Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
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Ukraina po wyborach parlamentarnych 2012 roku – wybrane scenariusze rozwoju sytuacji politycznej
Get PDFThe twenty or so years of Ukrainian sovereignty is definitely too short a period to facilitate fully justified hypotheses concerning the development of both the domestic and international situation of Ukraine, but it does make it possible to make some conjectures. This paper presents a scenario for the development of Ukraine’s political situation which, in the author’s opinion, will take place, or is actually in progress, following the 2012 parliamentary elections. This simplified scenario has been designed employing a forecasting method named the international scenario method. Taking into consideration that forecasting social phenomena tends to be difficult in many respects (which is a consequence of their strong and multifarious relations not only with other social, but also physical and biological, phenomena) the paper refers to selected forecasting issues, in particular those related to the international scenario method, which is then applied to the political situation of Ukraine. In the author’s opinion, in the years to come Ukraine will continue to degenerate towards authoritarian regimes, or will ‘strengthen’ its status as a hybrid regime.Dwadzieścia kilka lat niepodległej Ukrainy to stanowczo za mało, by móc w pełni idarzetelnie stawić hipotezy odnośnie rozwoju sytuacji wewnętrznej i zewnętrznej tego państwa, niemniej jednak, już to pozwala nam snuć pewne przypuszczenia.W artykule przedstawiona jest wizja rozwoju sytuacji politycznej na Ukrainie, jaka zdaniem autora nastąpi – a raczej już następuje – po wyborach parlamentarnych z 2012. Owa – uproszczona – wizja skonstruowana jest w oparciu o jedną z metod prognozowania, zwaną metodą scenariusza międzynarodowego. Biorąc pod uwagę fakt, że prognozowanie zjawisk społecznych bywa pod wieloma względami utrudnione (co wynika m.in. z tego, że w naturze tych zjawisk tkwi silne i wielostronne powiązanie z innymi zjawiskami społecznymi; ale nie tylko – także fizycznymi czy biologicznymi) w artykule przywołano wybrane problemy prognozowania, zwłaszcza te związane z metodą scenariusza międzynarodowego, następnie odniesiono ową metodę do sytuacji politycznej na Ukrainie. Zdaniem Autora Ukraina w kolejnych latach znajdzie się – a raczej już się znajduje – na równi pochyłej, staczając się w stronę reżimów autorytarnych, lub przynajmniej “umacniając się” wśród reżimów hybrydowych
Komunikowanie polityczne w Ameryce Łacińskiej na przykładzie aktywności prezydenta Wenezueli – Hugo Cháveza
Get PDFThe transformation of the political communication models in Venezuela and other Latin American states is related to the evolving political culture in this region, together with a bold use of media communication approached both as a means and a goal. Video-politics, defined as a process of the mediatization of the constructs of political reality, is becoming a key notion for the citizens and voters there. Using the public means of social communication Hugo Chávez has made the Aló, Presidente show an arena of political decision-making and a space focused on political personalism. An analysis of selected elements of the show provides detailed information on the rhetorical tools and other mechanisms of exerting influence applied by Hugo Chávez. On a macro-scale the media strategies applied in the show turn out to be instruments of consolidating the image of executive power in Venezuela.The transformation of the political communication models in Venezuela and other Latin American states is related to the evolving political culture in this region, together with a bold use of media communication approached both as a means and a goal. Video-politics, defined as a process of the mediatization of the constructs of political reality, is becoming a key notion for the citizens and voters there. Using the public means of social communication Hugo Chávez has made the Aló, Presidente show an arena of political decision-making and a space focused on political personalism. An analysis of selected elements of the show provides detailed information on the rhetorical tools and other mechanisms of exerting influence applied by Hugo Chávez. On a macro-scale the media strategies applied in the show turn out to be instruments of consolidating the image of executive power in Venezuela
Działania organów bezpieczeństwa i porządku publicznego jako formy prewencyjnego ingerowania w wolność wypowiedzi
No full textThe paper demonstrates (by means of description and analysis) that the following activities of the law enforcement organs exemplify the limitation of the freedom of speech: (1) removal of the tent of the Solidarni 2010 movement from Krakowskie Przedmieście in Warsaw; (2) the erection of safety barriers in front of a group of people praying before a cross standing in front of the Chancellery of the President of Poland; (3) the Internal Security Agency entering the apartment of a student who designed the Antykomor.pl website, publishing negative opinions about the way the incumbent Polish President is exercising his office; (4) the removal by the Speaker of the Senate of part of an exhibition about the Smoleñsk catastrophe presented in the Parliament building; (5) arresting two young men and taking them to the police station to be questioned for holding a banner reading “It’s time for Antykomor. Freedom of speech is unhealthy;” (6) imposing fines of PLN 500.00 (roughly equivalent to EUR 125) on football fans demonstrating in front of the Chancellery of the Prime Minister with a banner reading “Donald, you moron, football fans will topple your government;” (7) checking the IDs of people laying flowers in Krakowskie Przedmieście to commemorate the anniversary of the Smoleñsk catastrophe; and (8) the Municipal Guard blocking the way, in order to prevent members of the Polish parliament from attending a celebration commemorating the Smoleñsk catastrophe.The paper demonstrates (by means of description and analysis) that the following activities of the law enforcement organs exemplify the limitation of the freedom of speech: (1) removal of the tent of the Solidarni 2010 movement from Krakowskie Przedmieście in Warsaw; (2) the erection of safety barriers in front of a group of people praying before a cross standing in front of the Chancellery of the President of Poland; (3) the Internal Security Agency entering the apartment of a student who designed the Antykomor.pl website, publishing negative opinions about the way the incumbent Polish President is exercising his office; (4) the removal by the Speaker of the Senate of part of an exhibition about the Smoleñsk catastrophe presented in the Parliament building; (5) arresting two young men and taking them to the police station to be questioned for holding a banner reading “It’s time for Antykomor. Freedom of speech is unhealthy;” (6) imposing fines of PLN 500.00 (roughly equivalent to EUR 125) on football fans demonstrating in front of the Chancellery of the Prime Minister with a banner reading “Donald, you moron, football fans will topple your government;” (7) checking the IDs of people laying flowers in Krakowskie Przedmieście to commemorate the anniversary of the Smoleñsk catastrophe; and (8) the Municipal Guard blocking the way, in order to prevent members of the Polish parliament from attending a celebration commemorating the Smoleñsk catastrophe
The determinants and coordination of the message conveyed through the media by the Polish presidency of the Council of the European Union in 2011 – a political science approach
Get PDFAlthough Poland’s presidency of the Council of the European Union concluded almost two years ago, this period of Poland coordinating the work of one of the most significant EU institutions is still the subject of interdisciplinary studies that contribute to the assessment of the new, Lisbon model of European leadership. The paper discusses how the Polish government formulated its communication goals when beginning to prepare for the presidency. How did it define the political message of the presidency? How did it involve citizens in the activities undertaken by the Polish presidency of the EU Council? What domestic and European factors impacted on the evolution of the message of the presidency? How did the priorities of the presidency determine its communication goals? How did this message evolve on account of numerous factors
Globalna wioska Jana Pawła II
Get PDFThe subject of this brief study is politics and the Catholic understanding of its object and purpose, and therefore the unjustified – although popular and widespread – claim that the Church interferes in politics may be put forward once more. In a world that boasts about the ‘achievements’ of tolerance, politics becomes a realm which the Church is excluded from. Although for the moment this is being done informally, Catholics and especially priests are ingrained with a fear of politics and anything political, whether in terms of actions or words. In this new world, politics is an important role everybody plays outside the Church. However, the Church encourages us to pursue what is good, noble and worthy of man, assuming a position “above ideologies or even defying them”. The political philosophy of the gospel is expressed in the statement: “So give back to Caesar what is Caesar’s, and to God what is God’s” (Matthew 22, 21). It clearly distinguishes between the private and the public, while not separating the two. The present paper does not attempt to present a comprehensive lecture on the social teaching of the Church, but indicates the main elements of the definition of politics, its subject, purpose and the means of achieving it. This is more of an attempt to outline the Church’s philosophy, perception and approach to politics rather than an enumeration and description of the characteristics of various areas of political activity.The subject of this brief study is politics and the Catholic understanding of its object and purpose, and therefore the unjustified – although popular and widespread – claim that the Church interferes in politics may be put forward once more. In a world that boasts about the ‘achievements’ of tolerance, politics becomes a realm which the Church is excluded from. Although for the moment this is being done informally, Catholics and especially priests are ingrained with a fear of politics and anything political, whether in terms of actions or words. In this new world, politics is an important role everybody plays outside the Church. However, the Church encourages us to pursue what is good, noble and worthy of man, assuming a position “above ideologies or even defying them”. The political philosophy of the gospel is expressed in the statement: “So give back to Caesar what is Caesar’s, and to God what is God’s” (Matthew 22, 21). It clearly distinguishes between the private and the public, while not separating the two. The present paper does not attempt to present a comprehensive lecture on the social teaching of the Church, but indicates the main elements of the definition of politics, its subject, purpose and the means of achieving it. This is more of an attempt to outline the Church’s philosophy, perception and approach to politics rather than an enumeration and description of the characteristics of various areas of political activity
Kampania negatywna, czy nieistniejący „czarny” PR, jako metody dyskredytowania przeciwnika politycznego
Get PDFThe difference between a negative campaign and a dirty one is clearly defined. The mechanisms of a dirty campaign cannot be named ‘black PR’ as this does not exist and any member of an election committee who employs such methods to discredit their opponents should not be called a public relations specialist at all. It is to be hoped that we will see a reality where anybody running a dirty campaign will bear the consequences of their activities and be eliminated from the ranks of this magnificent profession dealing with social communication in politics, and from any other activity applying PR tools.The difference between a negative campaign and a dirty one is clearly defined. The mechanisms of a dirty campaign cannot be named ‘black PR’ as this does not exist and any member of an election committee who employs such methods to discredit their opponents should not be called a public relations specialist at all. It is to be hoped that we will see a reality where anybody running a dirty campaign will bear the consequences of their activities and be eliminated from the ranks of this magnificent profession dealing with social communication in politics, and from any other activity applying PR tools
Unia Europejska – rozpad czy powrót do równowagi makroekonomicznej i finansowej? Rozważania na temat kryzysu w strefie euro z perspektywy europejskiej i światowej
Get PDFIn 2009 the European Union, and in particular the euro zone, slid into a stage of economic recession on account of the spreading global financial crisis, referred to as ‘2008+.’ Considerable developmental problems are being experienced by the group of countries referred to as PIIGS, particularly by Greece, Spain and Italy, which account for nearly 30% of GDP of the euro zone. Due to the tight developmental interdependencies in the European common market, decreased confidence of global investors, and the consequent potentially lowered profitability of bonds of other Mediterranean economies, the bankruptcy of Greece could cause a domino effect. This could mean serious developmental problems for other indebted Mediterranean economies, such as Italy, Spain and Portugal. It could also drag Germany and France (or their banks, that granted tens of billions of euros in loans to Greece) into financial difficulties, and consequently pose a threat to integration processes throughout Europe. The author of the paper anal zes both the causes and effects of the present financial crisis in the euro zone and presents various scenarios for further developments. He also diagnoses the correctional activities undertaken by selected European governments, the EU and international institutions, their first outcomes, the controversies stirred by the opinions of global rating agencies, and the further developmental prospects for the European Union by 2020.In 2009 the European Union, and in particular the euro zone, slid into a stage of economic recession on account of the spreading global financial crisis, referred to as ‘2008+.’ Considerable developmental problems are being experienced by the group of countries referred to as PIIGS, particularly by Greece, Spain and Italy, which account for nearly 30% of GDP of the euro zone. Due to the tight developmental interdependencies in the European common market, decreased confidence of global investors, and the consequent potentially lowered profitability of bonds of other Mediterranean economies, the bankruptcy of Greece could cause a domino effect. This could mean serious developmental problems for other indebted Mediterranean economies, such as Italy, Spain and Portugal. It could also drag Germany and France (or their banks, that granted tens of billions of euros in loans to Greece) into financial difficulties, and consequently pose a threat to integration processes throughout Europe. The author of the paper anal zes both the causes and effects of the present financial crisis in the euro zone and presents various scenarios for further developments. He also diagnoses the correctional activities undertaken by selected European governments, the EU and international institutions, their first outcomes, the controversies stirred by the opinions of global rating agencies, and the further developmental prospects for the European Union by 2020
Strukturyzacja województwa wielkopolskiego jako obszaru badań prasy lokalnej
Get PDFThe author presents the analysis of the current territorial structure of Wielkopolska as a potential research field for studies into the local press market and its trends. The contents of the paper comprise a demographic and territorial description of Wielkopolska, including an analysis of the six sub-regions distinguished on the basis of the European Nomenclature of Territorial Units for Statistics (NUTS). The purpose of the paper is to collect information to support the analysis, generalization and comparative examination of the development of the local press in specific areas, and the general presentation of demographic, territorial, socio-economic and cultural conditions. The composition of local press markets depends on such factors as the size and structure of populations, including the proportions of non-productive population (both pre-, and post-production age groups), population density, the rate of urbanization, economic status and levels of unemployment, income, development of educational, cultural, sporting and recreational facilities, historical transformations, including changes in territorial and administrative affiliation, and local press traditions.The author presents the analysis of the current territorial structure of Wielkopolska as a potential research field for studies into the local press market and its trends. The contents of the paper comprise a demographic and territorial description of Wielkopolska, including an analysis of the six sub-regions distinguished on the basis of the European Nomenclature of Territorial Units for Statistics (NUTS). The purpose of the paper is to collect information to support the analysis, generalization and comparative examination of the development of the local press in specific areas, and the general presentation of demographic, territorial, socio-economic and cultural conditions. The composition of local press markets depends on such factors as the size and structure of populations, including the proportions of non-productive population (both pre-, and post-production age groups), population density, the rate of urbanization, economic status and levels of unemployment, income, development of educational, cultural, sporting and recreational facilities, historical transformations, including changes in territorial and administrative affiliation, and local press traditions
U źródeł antypolitycznej polityki w Polsce. Ramy zbiorowego działania, definicja sytuacji i praktyki kontestacji
No full textThe paramount objective of this text is to use several proposals formulated in the field of research into so-called framework analysis and to demonstrate their analytical efficiency on the example of post-revisionist texts by L. Kołakowski, A. Michnik and J. Kuroń. Not only did these texts catalyze the activities and explain the objectives of an influential part of the political opposition in communist Poland, but they also continue to be a great expression of social awareness as well as self-awareness of a part of the opposition movement from the early 1970s. A more general objective of this paper involves a demonstration that the categorical network of this concept is applicable when examining all types of political texts understood as elements of a social process of defining reality.The paramount objective of this text is to use several proposals formulated in the field of research into so-called framework analysis and to demonstrate their analytical efficiency on the example of post-revisionist texts by L. Kołakowski, A. Michnik and J. Kuroń. Not only did these texts catalyze the activities and explain the objectives of an influential part of the political opposition in communist Poland, but they also continue to be a great expression of social awareness as well as self-awareness of a part of the opposition movement from the early 1970s. A more general objective of this paper involves a demonstration that the categorical network of this concept is applicable when examining all types of political texts understood as elements of a social process of defining reality
Kampania wyborcza w nowych mediach – aspekty prawne
Get PDFOne of the most interesting social phenomena in the field of social communication, that is the emergence of the new media in the 21st century, has obviously been noted and used by election committees. The paper tries to analyze whether this phenomenon has been similarly noted and accounted for by Polish legislators. An impulse for these considerations was additionally provided by the Act of 5 January 2011 on the Election Code passed in 2011. This normative act has been adopted in the digital era but it virtually ignores the presence of the ‘new media’. While it is true that the interpretation of some regulations may be broadened to include them as well, this will likely generate numerous doubts and a sense of legal uncertainty. Given the transformations in the media market, the legal solutions adopted may soon turn out to be irrelevant to the main course of election campaigns.One of the most interesting social phenomena in the field of social communication, that is the emergence of the new media in the 21st century, has obviously been noted and used by election committees. The paper tries to analyze whether this phenomenon has been similarly noted and accounted for by Polish legislators. An impulse for these considerations was additionally provided by the Act of 5 January 2011 on the Election Code passed in 2011. This normative act has been adopted in the digital era but it virtually ignores the presence of the ‘new media’. While it is true that the interpretation of some regulations may be broadened to include them as well, this will likely generate numerous doubts and a sense of legal uncertainty. Given the transformations in the media market, the legal solutions adopted may soon turn out to be irrelevant to the main course of election campaigns