Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne
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Ochrona praw kobiet w systemie Rady Europy
Get PDFThe legal system of the Council of Europe is of crucial importance for the protection of women’s rights and preventing discrimination based on sex. The European Convention on Human Rights constitutes one of the most efficient tools for establishing standards for the protection of women’s rights. Despite the fact that the Convention does not include detailed provisions on protection of women’s rights, it has been adopted and implemented in the spirit of equal rights for men and women and the prohibition of discrimination. The potential power of the Council of Europe in the area of protecting women’s rights is also evidenced by the jurisdiction of the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg, which supervises whether the provisions of European Convention on Human Rights are complied with or not. In case any state that is a party to the Convention breaches its provisions, women can lodge individual complaints with the Court, regardless of citizenship.The legal system of the Council of Europe is of crucial importance for the protection of women’s rights and preventing discrimination based on sex. The European Convention on Human Rights constitutes one of the most efficient tools for establishing standards for the protection of women’s rights. Despite the fact that the Convention does not include detailed provisions on protection of women’s rights, it has been adopted and implemented in the spirit of equal rights for men and women and the prohibition of discrimination. The potential power of the Council of Europe in the area of protecting women’s rights is also evidenced by the jurisdiction of the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg, which supervises whether the provisions of European Convention on Human Rights are complied with or not. In case any state that is a party to the Convention breaches its provisions, women can lodge individual complaints with the Court, regardless of citizenship
Polityczność, polityka i Pan Nergal w kontekście tabloidyzacji polskiej sceny politycznej
Get PDFThe purpose of this paper is to analyze public discussion on the place of the artist Nergal in Polish society (or outside of this society). This discussion has significantly expanded the present context of the tabloidization of political stage and the dimension of politicality. As indicated by Chantal Mouffe, modern politicality is played out in the “moral register”. The conflict between “right and left” wing is replaced by the “struggle between good and evil”. Politicians have ‘used’ a private individual, or the artist-celebrity – Adam Darski, to create a powerful social dichotomy, dividing society into good, religious, Catholic believers who condemn the staged artistic expression of the Behemoth band and the bad, non-religious, non-Catholic non-believers who are indifferent to how religious symbols are used. What is peculiar is the fact that this discussion took place in the opinion-forming press on the one hand and in tabloids and gossip services on the other. This undoubtedly demonstrated the tabloid-like dimension of the Polish political stage, which has been observable for some time now, although all sides were convinced they were acting as a defender of Polish democracy.The purpose of this paper is to analyze public discussion on the place of the artist Nergal in Polish society (or outside of this society). This discussion has significantly expanded the present context of the tabloidization of political stage and the dimension of politicality. As indicated by Chantal Mouffe, modern politicality is played out in the “moral register”. The conflict between “right and left” wing is replaced by the “struggle between good and evil”. Politicians have ‘used’ a private individual, or the artist-celebrity – Adam Darski, to create a powerful social dichotomy, dividing society into good, religious, Catholic believers who condemn the staged artistic expression of the Behemoth band and the bad, non-religious, non-Catholic non-believers who are indifferent to how religious symbols are used. What is peculiar is the fact that this discussion took place in the opinion-forming press on the one hand and in tabloids and gossip services on the other. This undoubtedly demonstrated the tabloid-like dimension of the Polish political stage, which has been observable for some time now, although all sides were convinced they were acting as a defender of Polish democracy
Magdalena Gąsior-Marek kontra Joanna Mucha. Lubelskie dzienniki wobec konfliktu kandydatek do Sejmu w 2011 roku
Get PDFThe paper discusses the response of the media in the city of Lublin to a conflict of two candidates of the Platforma Obywatelska (Civic Platform) political party to the Polish parliament (Sejm): Magdalena Gąsior-Marek and Joanna Mucha. To a large extent, this conflict defined the 2011 election campaign in Lublin. The media, mainly local and regional printed press, followed the dispute between the two deputies-candidates. Both ladies, deputies in the sixth term of the parliament at the time, and in the seventh term at present, were well-known in the Lubelskie region but later came to be nationally known under peculiar circumstances. Magdalena Gąsior-Marek gained reputation when she gave flowers to Minister Cezary Grabarczyk after the opposition failed to depose him, while Joanna Mucha stirred controversy with her interview in a party magazine POg³os, where she addressed the issue of applying certain medical procedures to the elderly. The conflict of the two candidates concentrated around the Civic Platform electoral list in the Lubelskie region and the places assigned to both ladies on this list with G¹sior-Marek coming first and Mucha – second. The paper attempts to answer a question of to what extent the involvement of journalists in the presentation of the conflict followed from their need to provide information to electors, and to what extent it meant taking one of the sides.The paper discusses the response of the media in the city of Lublin to a conflict of two candidates of the Platforma Obywatelska (Civic Platform) political party to the Polish parliament (Sejm): Magdalena Gąsior-Marek and Joanna Mucha. To a large extent, this conflict defined the 2011 election campaign in Lublin. The media, mainly local and regional printed press, followed the dispute between the two deputies-candidates. Both ladies, deputies in the sixth term of the parliament at the time, and in the seventh term at present, were well-known in the Lubelskie region but later came to be nationally known under peculiar circumstances. Magdalena Gąsior-Marek gained reputation when she gave flowers to Minister Cezary Grabarczyk after the opposition failed to depose him, while Joanna Mucha stirred controversy with her interview in a party magazine POg³os, where she addressed the issue of applying certain medical procedures to the elderly. The conflict of the two candidates concentrated around the Civic Platform electoral list in the Lubelskie region and the places assigned to both ladies on this list with G¹sior-Marek coming first and Mucha – second. The paper attempts to answer a question of to what extent the involvement of journalists in the presentation of the conflict followed from their need to provide information to electors, and to what extent it meant taking one of the sides
Ochrona zdrowia jako element polityki publicznej
Get PDFPublic health is strictly related to health policy, since political decisions determine the selection of priorities and the distribution of assets. Health, perceived in this way, is protected by global activities, and not only by a given country or region. Health is a significant element among the tasks handled by public authorities. A consequence of these activities is ensuring medical care by means of developing the right apparatus and mechanisms of solutions allowing for common access to treatments offered.Public health is strictly related to health policy, since political decisions determine the selection of priorities and the distribution of assets. Health, perceived in this way, is protected by global activities, and not only by a given country or region. Health is a significant element among the tasks handled by public authorities. A consequence of these activities is ensuring medical care by means of developing the right apparatus and mechanisms of solutions allowing for common access to treatments offered
EUWT nowa możliwość dla współdziałania na pograniczu polsko-niemieckim
No full textThe author describes how European Groupings of Territorial Cooperation (EGTC) operate, being a relatively new Community instrument, providing for the establishment of cooperation groups in the Community area for the purpose of facilitating and promoting territorial cooperation in order to foster economic and social cohesion. The operation of this mechanism is presented as an opportunity to develop Polish-German cooperation. In the author’s opinion, the activity of regional and local institutions located in the Polish-German borderland as concerns the issue of EGCT is rather modest, but the instrument itself is known to them, especially in the places where transborder cooperation is an element of joint activity. According to the author, the significance of EGTC as a tool is going to increase in the next support period 2014–2020 since there is a distinct European trend to take a regional attitude toward the development and implementation of EU projects.The author describes how European Groupings of Territorial Cooperation (EGTC) operate, being a relatively new Community instrument, providing for the establishment of cooperation groups in the Community area for the purpose of facilitating and promoting territorial cooperation in order to foster economic and social cohesion. The operation of this mechanism is presented as an opportunity to develop Polish-German cooperation. In the author’s opinion, the activity of regional and local institutions located in the Polish-German borderland as concerns the issue of EGCT is rather modest, but the instrument itself is known to them, especially in the places where transborder cooperation is an element of joint activity. According to the author, the significance of EGTC as a tool is going to increase in the next support period 2014–2020 since there is a distinct European trend to take a regional attitude toward the development and implementation of EU projects
Sportowe pasje kobiet. Przyczynek do jakościowych badań nad zawartością treści w prasie regionalnej i lokalnej Wielkopolski oraz jej pogranicza
Get PDFStudies into the content of the local and regional press expand our knowledge about the life of local communities. The author limits herself to studying the narrow issue of women’s sporting interests, whereby she analyzes their active (as athletes and trainers) and passive (administering various sports, as fans) participation in amateur and professional sport. The paper also indicates which factors are decisive for the domination of a given sport in a region and considers to what extent the picture presented is true, reflects reality and exhausts all aspects of women’s interest in sport. The way in which press materials are presented is also interesting and confirms the observation that local and regional media have become tabloidized to a greater or lesser degree (depending on the type of periodical). The qualitative study has shown that women’s need to practice sport is not only an expression of their emancipation, a development of their skills, and a desire to break records, but at present it has primarily become a way of living a ‘healthy life’. The local and regional press fulfill two roles in this regard: they provide a wider presentation of professional and amateur sport and, to a lesser degree, persuade their readers to practice sport themselves (propagating a ‘healthy lifestyle’ accounts for an average of two articles out of eighteen qualified as ‘sport articles’). The research field encompassed a wide range of female sporting passions, while the examples discussed confirm that women live active lives.Studies into the content of the local and regional press expand our knowledge about the life of local communities. The author limits herself to studying the narrow issue of women’s sporting interests, whereby she analyzes their active (as athletes and trainers) and passive (administering various sports, as fans) participation in amateur and professional sport. The paper also indicates which factors are decisive for the domination of a given sport in a region and considers to what extent the picture presented is true, reflects reality and exhausts all aspects of women’s interest in sport. The way in which press materials are presented is also interesting and confirms the observation that local and regional media have become tabloidized to a greater or lesser degree (depending on the type of periodical). The qualitative study has shown that women’s need to practice sport is not only an expression of their emancipation, a development of their skills, and a desire to break records, but at present it has primarily become a way of living a ‘healthy life’. The local and regional press fulfill two roles in this regard: they provide a wider presentation of professional and amateur sport and, to a lesser degree, persuade their readers to practice sport themselves (propagating a ‘healthy lifestyle’ accounts for an average of two articles out of eighteen qualified as ‘sport articles’). The research field encompassed a wide range of female sporting passions, while the examples discussed confirm that women live active lives
Narodowy Bank Polski wobec transformacji ustrojowej: pozycja prawna – organizacja – funkcje
Get PDFThe central bank of a country is closely related to its economy, in particular to one aspect, namely monetary policy. The political transformation that began in Poland in the 1980s brought about changes to the political, social and economic system. The reality of a free market economy challenged the National Bank of Poland (NBP), creating conditions different to those of a centrally planned economy. The status, tasks and internal organization of the NBP, the central bank of Poland since 1945, evolved along the same lines as other elements of the state system. Modern legal solutions are based on the provisions of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of April 2, 1997 and the Law on the National Bank of Poland of August 29, 1997. They give the central bank of Poland the status of one of the most independent central banks in the world. This is primarily illustrated by the constitutional ban on the bank’s direct financing of the budget deficit and ensuring the bank’s right to independently shaping and executing monetary policy. The ultimate result of the political transformation was the designation of the NBP’s functions in the Constitution of Poland: the exclusive right to issue money, formulate and implement monetary policy, and to bear responsibility for the value of the Polish currency. The Law on the National Bank of Poland from 1997 complemented the above provisions with an obligation to support the economic policy of the government, provided that this does not restrict the fundamental goals of the Bank. Given the current legal solutions, the NBP as the central bank performs three fundamental functions: that of an issuing bank, the bank of banks, and the central bank of the state. The internal structure of the Bank has also been altered: one-man management has been replaced with an actual tripartite division of power vested to three organs: the President, the Monetary Policy Council and the Board, which has resulted in a deconcentration of power. At present, the NBP enjoys a high position in the structure of the organs of the state. Including it in the Constitution has concluded the period of evolution, transformation and seeking the best place for the Polish central bank.The central bank of a country is closely related to its economy, in particular to one aspect, namely monetary policy. The political transformation that began in Poland in the 1980s brought about changes to the political, social and economic system. The reality of a free market economy challenged the National Bank of Poland (NBP), creating conditions different to those of a centrally planned economy. The status, tasks and internal organization of the NBP, the central bank of Poland since 1945, evolved along the same lines as other elements of the state system. Modern legal solutions are based on the provisions of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of April 2, 1997 and the Law on the National Bank of Poland of August 29, 1997. They give the central bank of Poland the status of one of the most independent central banks in the world. This is primarily illustrated by the constitutional ban on the bank’s direct financing of the budget deficit and ensuring the bank’s right to independently shaping and executing monetary policy. The ultimate result of the political transformation was the designation of the NBP’s functions in the Constitution of Poland: the exclusive right to issue money, formulate and implement monetary policy, and to bear responsibility for the value of the Polish currency. The Law on the National Bank of Poland from 1997 complemented the above provisions with an obligation to support the economic policy of the government, provided that this does not restrict the fundamental goals of the Bank. Given the current legal solutions, the NBP as the central bank performs three fundamental functions: that of an issuing bank, the bank of banks, and the central bank of the state. The internal structure of the Bank has also been altered: one-man management has been replaced with an actual tripartite division of power vested to three organs: the President, the Monetary Policy Council and the Board, which has resulted in a deconcentration of power. At present, the NBP enjoys a high position in the structure of the organs of the state. Including it in the Constitution has concluded the period of evolution, transformation and seeking the best place for the Polish central bank
Технологический вектор политической науки и политики: взгляд из России
No full textThe paper presents the core of the technological attitude in Russian political science and practice. Certain problems related to its application are identified. The application of the technology of politics guarantees its rationalization, predictability, foundations for the political processes being modeled, and the desired results of the political process. The paper presents the author’s attempt at the periodization of the transformation of technology of political activity. It demonstrates the latest development trends of the technology of political activity under the conditions of Russian reality.W artykule przedstawiono istotę podejścia technologicznego w rosyjskiej nauki o polityce oraz praktyce. Zidentyfikowano niektóre problemy związane z jego wykorzystaniem. Wykorzystanie technologii politycznej działalności daje gwarancję racjonalizacji, przewidywalności, podstaw modelowanego procesu politycznego, żądanych rezultatów procesu politycznego. W publikacji zawarto autorską periodyzację transformacji technologii politycznej działalności. Ukazane są tendencje rozwoju technologii politycznej działalności w najbliższym czasie, przy uwarunkowaniach rosyjskiej rzeczywistości.The paper presents the core of the technological attitude in Russian political science and practice. Certain problems related to its application are identified. The application of the technology of politics guarantees its rationalization, predictability, foundations for the political processes being modeled, and the desired results of the political process. The paper presents the author’s attempt at the periodization of the transformation of technology of political activity. It demonstrates the latest development trends of the technology of political activity under the conditions of Russian reality
Ideologia jako czynnik oddziałujący na przekaz dziennikarski. Analiza na podstawie materiałów z “The Times”, “The Sun” oraz “Pravda”
Get PDFThis paper analyzes the influence of ideology on the journalistic message on the basis of materials published about Alexander Litvinenko by The Times, The Sun and Pravda. The paper applies the concept presented by Teun A. van Dijk, who identifies the following aspects of message structure: lexical elements, implications, presuppositions, descriptions, cohesion, semantic events, semantic and external structures. The analysis involves the examples taken from the articles about the Litvinenko issue to show how ideologies and opinions can be present in the content of journalistic accounts.Artykuł przedstawia analizę oddziaływania ideologii na przekaz dziennikarski na podstawie materiałów dotyczących sprawy Aleksandra Litwinienki, które ukazały się w pismach “The Times”, “The Sun” oraz “Pravda”. W pracy wykorzystano koncepcję zaprezentowaną przez Teuna A. van Dijka, który wyróżnia w strukturze przekazu: elementy leksykalne, implikacje, prezupozycje, opisy, spójność, zabieg semantyczny, struktury semantyczne i zewnętrzne.
Metoda door-to-door i jej zastosowanie przez lubelskich radnych w trakcie kampanii wyborczej do Rady Miasta w 2010 r.
Get PDFThe paper concerns door-to-door canvassing and its use by Lublin councilors during the 2010 election campaign for the City Council. The results of the survey presented in the text show to what extent the method was applied by the winners in the elections. In February 2011 the author approached the councilors via the President of the Lublin City Council asking them to fill in a questionnaire on door-to-door canvassing. Twenty out of thirty one councilors returned the questionnaires, accounting for 64.5% of all the respondents. These questionnaires provided the research material for analysis.The paper concerns door-to-door canvassing and its use by Lublin councilors during the 2010 election campaign for the City Council. The results of the survey presented in the text show to what extent the method was applied by the winners in the elections. In February 2011 the author approached the councilors via the President of the Lublin City Council asking them to fill in a questionnaire on door-to-door canvassing. Twenty out of thirty one councilors returned the questionnaires, accounting for 64.5% of all the respondents. These questionnaires provided the research material for analysis