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Órjúfanlegt samband
Ást okkar kulnar með hverjum degi sem líður. Hún rennur okkur úr greipum, út um varir okkar, augu, hjörtu. Hjarta hennar leitar ekki lengur skjóls í hjarta mínu og fætur mínir ganga ekki lengur til móts við hana.Ást okkar kulnar með hverjum degi sem líður. Hún rennur okkur úr greipum, út um varir okkar, augu, hjörtu. Hjarta hennar leitar ekki lengur skjóls í hjarta mínu og fætur mínir ganga ekki lengur til móts við hana
Hönd í hönd, mano a mano, Hand in Hand Enn og aftur af orðapörum
This article deals with linguistic binomials in Icelandic, Spanish and German. The study of binomials, a sequence of two words which belong to the same grammatical category and form a pair linked by connectors, belongs to the field of the Phraseology. Here the focus is on the structure where the same word appears in both members. At first, word pairs, their role, nature and characteristics are discussed in general as well as their motivation, structure and function. Then we turn to the classification of the word pairs in focus, i.e. thoseformed according to the formula X+connecting word+X. Examples of such doublets in Icelandic is lið fyrir lið, página tras página (‘page after page’) in Spanish and Tag nach Tag (‘day after day’) in German. Then there is an account of word pairs that deviate from this construction, that is, where no connecting word appears in the pair, but a punctuation mark such as comma (X, X) or when the words stand side by side without connection (X X). The core word is the same in the binomial: lengi lengi (‘for a long long time’) or not: nauðugur,viljugur (‘forced, willing’). Examples of such word pairs in Spanish are todo todo (‘literally everything’) and in German schnell, schnell (‘quick’). Finally, linguistic trinomials, or triplets, and linguistic tetranomials and multinomials are mentioned, fixed expressions which are rather rare in the three languages under discussion. The use of word pairs has always enriched the language and made it substantial and nuanced. This applies to the three languages discussed in this article.Keywords: phraseology, word pairs, Icelandic, Spanish, GermanÍ þessari grein er fjallað um orðapör í íslensku, spænsku og þýsku þar sem sama orðið kemur fyrir í báðum kjarnaliðum. Í fyrstu er fjallað almennt um orðapör, hlutverk þeirra, eðli og einkenni. Þá er vikið að flokkun orðaparanna sem athyglin beinist sérstaklega að, þ.e. þau sem mynduð eru með kjarnaorði X + tengiorði + kjarnaorði X. Nefna má orðaparið lið fyrir lið í íslensku sem dæmi um slík orðapör, página tras página (‚blaðsíða eftir blaðsíðu‘) í spænsku og Tag nach Tag (‚dag eftir dag‘) í þýsku. Síðan er gerð grein fyrir orðapörum sem víkja fráþessari byggingu, þ.e. þar sem ekkert tengiorð kemur fyrir í parinu heldur greinarmerki eins og komma, eða þá að orðin standa hlið við hlið án tengingar. Kjarnaorðið er hið sama í orðaparinu: lengi lengi eða sitt hvort orðið: nauðugur, viljugur. Dæmi um slík orðapör í spænsku er todo todo (‚bókstaflega allt‘) og í þýsku má nefna schnell, schnell (‚fljótt‘). Í lok greinarinnar eru reifuð orðapör eða orðarunur sem víkja á einhvern hátt frá sígildri byggingu orðasambandanna sem eru til umræðu, og sem eru sjaldgæf í málunum þremur. Notkun orðaparahefur alla tíð auðgað tunguna og gert hana kjarnmikla og blæbrigðaríka.Þetta á við um tungumálin þrjú sem hér eru til umfjöllunar.Lykilorð: fraseológía, orðapör, sama kjarnaorð, íslenska, spænska, þýsk
Um elli og æsku
Brot 1Hvaða líf, hvaða unun er án gylltrar Afródítu?Ég deyi! þegar mér er ei lengur um þetta hugað,launást og ljúfar gjafir og rekkju.Þau æskunnar blóm eiga hugkarla jafnt sem kvenna — en er yfir færist aumlegelli, sem lýti gefur og fögrum guma,mæða ávallt illar raunir hjartað hvaðanæva.Ei gleðst hann þá á sólar ljós að líta,drengjum fjandsamlegur og sómalaus hjá konum.Svo þungbæra hefur guð gert ellina.Brot 1Hvaða líf, hvaða unun er án gylltrar Afródítu?Ég deyi! þegar mér er ei lengur um þetta hugað,launást og ljúfar gjafir og rekkju.Þau æskunnar blóm eiga hugkarla jafnt sem kvenna — en er yfir færist aumlegelli, sem lýti gefur og fögrum guma,mæða ávallt illar raunir hjartað hvaðanæva.Ei gleðst hann þá á sólar ljós að líta,drengjum fjandsamlegur og sómalaus hjá konum.Svo þungbæra hefur guð gert ellina
Stutt nám handa stelpunum. Um hömlur á menntasókn íslenskra stúlkna á 20. öld
Over the course of the twentieth century Icelandic girls and women progressed from enjoying very limited formal schooling beyond compulsory education, far less than their male contemporaries, to clearly outdoing boys or men at every level of academic study, secondary as well as tertiary. The article traces this development stage by stage and endeavors to explain it in terms of a dialectic interplay between (a) girls being no less (eventually even more) interested in education; and (b) society (authorities, schools, parents) providing and advocating shorter and more practical study for girls than boys.Discrimination, however, only kicked in at post-compulsory level. In Iceland, part of the strictly Lutheran Danish kingdom, compulsory education grew out of the substantial religious instruction considered essential for confirmation into the state church. Salvation was seen as an individual matter, making religious instruction equally important for both genders. The same applied to reading, which was made compulsory as a skill to be used in acquiring the religious knowledge, and eventually to writing and arithmetic which for practical reasons were annexed to the compulsory home schooling provided under the supervision of the parish minister. When primary schools (at first typically arranged as itinerant teachers) gradually supplemented and then replaced home schooling, gender discrimination in academic subjects was out of the question, making girls as well prepared as boys for further study.Post-compulsory education in Iceland had been male only (with the exception of practical training in midwifery) until a school for girls was established in Reykjavík in 1875, offering an essentially secondary modern course of study. Similar schools were established in rural districts while a slowly increasing number of girls attended other secondary modern schools (including Scandinavian style “folk high schools” for rural students), the Reykjavík gymnasium (open to girls from 1904), a teacher training school (1908) and even the new University of Iceland (1911). Concurrent with this development, the 1930s and 40s saw an increasing emphasis on “home economy” schools for girls, offering a one year’s course of largely practical subjects, regarded as vocational training for the typical female “career” of domestic help, then housewife. Demand for this type of education peaked in 1950, then slumped abruptly as girls preferred the co-educational lower secondary education increasingly provided throughout the country. Other secondary education considered fit for girls included certified trades (such as hairdressing or dress making), nursing and midwifery, and pre-school and primary school teacher training. The upper secondary study for university entrance examination was considered more appropriate for boys. Yet even there the proportion of girls gradually rose, surpassing that of boys in 1978 and soon reaching 60%. Having reached that milestone, girls were, at least during the 1970s, encouraged to either find work (sometimes to provide for the family while the husband finished his study) or choose a practical vocational study, such as nursing or teacher training (now moved to the tertiary level) or even more practical options such as lab technician. Among those who embarked on a university study, women were less likely than men to study abroad and less likely to continue beyond undergraduate level. Only in 1998 did women surpass 50% of those earning graduate degrees at Icelandic universities and only since 2014 have more women than men been granted doctoral degrees. At long last, Icelandic girls no longer accepted the advice that their studies should be shorter, more practical, less academic.Skólaganga íslenskra ungmenna, umfram skyldufræðslu, hefur kynslóðum saman verið að lengjast. Breytingin fór hægt af stað og hægar hjá stúlkum en piltum svo að fyrir hundrað árum voru þær aðeins brot af nemendafjölda, bæði í langskólanámi og styttra námi, almennu jafnt sem starfstengdu. Þá hefst það ferli sem greinin fjallar um og leiddi til núverandi stöðu: Að stúlkur eða konur ná betri árangri í námi en piltar eða karlar og halda lengur áfram í skóla, og er munurinn mestur í almennu bóklegu námi. Þannig urðu þær meirihluti útskrifaðra, fyrst á stúdentsprófi 1978, síðan á grunnstigi háskólanáms, þá meistarastigi og loks doktorsstigi. Á undan fóru tímabil þar sem skólasókn stúlkna beindist einkum að húsmæðraskólum (fram um 1950), þá að verknáms- og verslunarbrautum gagnfræðastigs og starfsnámsbrautum sérskólastigs (m.a. kennaraskóla). Þegar stúlkum fjölgaði á háskólastigi var það ekki síst í stuttu starfsréttindanámi (stúdentadeild kennaraskóla, meinafræði, tækniteiknun). Hér er leitast við að skýra þessa þróun. Annars vegar út frá hugmyndum hvers tíma um hlutverk kvenna í samfélagi og á vinnumarkaði, en þær beindu stúlkum í stutt nám og starfstengt. Hins vegar út frá undirliggjandi áhuga stúlkna, ekki síður en pilta, á bóklegri menntun, áhuga sem til lengdar lét ekki stýrast af praktískum sjónarmiðum
Skuldbinding nemenda og tengsl við kennara í framhaldsskóla
For students to succeed at school it is important that they actively participate at school, feel that they belong to their school, and find their studies meaningful. It is therefore of concern that a large group of students, especially during adolescence, see little point in their studies and find school boring. Scholars believe that the negative development of student engagement, which takes place during adolescence and places them at risk of dropping out, may be traced to the changes of the school environment at upper secondary level (see Eccles et al., 1993). The schools are larger than at the previous school level, the social environment is significantly more complex, students have different teachers every semester and do not have a supervising teacher as they were accustomed to in lower secondary school. It has been suggested that this more complex and impersonal school environment does not adequately meet the needs of adolescents for relatedness, but research is lacking (Connell & Wellborn, 1991; Quin, 2017).The aim of the study is to shed light on teacher-student relationships at the upper secondary school level and how the students’ experience shapes their engagement with study and school. The analysis seeks to define the aspects of these relations that increase engagement. The objective is to give teachers and other educators deeper insights into student experience, offering a richer understanding of teacher-student relations for enhancing school success.This study is a part of a larger ongoing, qualitative study: Showing up to school. Student engagement with their studies at upper secondary school and COVID-19. The focus is on the experience of fifteen students in different upper secondary schools. Participants were selected by purposeful sampling and snowball sampling. The interviews were semiopen and based on an interview framework about students\u27 experience of their upper secondary schooling (Qu & Dumay, 2011). The data were analysed using a thematic approach building on the six-step analysis of Braun and Clarke (2006). The study took place during restrictions due to COVID-19, which provides a unique opportunity to highlight students’ experiences of connecting with teachers in the classroom on the one hand and through a computer screen on the other. With increasing emphasis on distance learning it is important to be aware of how it serves students’ needs during adolescence and what effect it has on school engagement.Three main themes were identified in the young people’s experience of positive social interactions between teachers and students. They are 1) that the teacher seeks to create a relationship with students, 2) that the care and support of the teacher enhances students’ well-being, and 3) that the teacher’s encouraging presence is an impetus for learning. Additionally, from the standpoint of the participants, it was clear how important a close and informal relationship with teachers was for their engagement with school and their studies. The students described how strong connections with teachers had a positive influence on their learning habits, attitudes, and ambition with regards to their studies and feelings of belonging to school. However, they experienced that they had less access and opportunities to establish relationship with their teachers in comparison to lower secondary school. The study also shows that although students felt that many teachers had done their best when transferring classroom teaching to distance teaching, they missed the “conventional” interactions with their teachers. The distance learning had a negative effect on the close and personal relationship with the teachers that the students value.Although the relationship between teachers and students changes as students grow older (Crosnoe et al., 2004; Roeser et al., 1998), our main findings indicate the significance of paying closer attention to the unique role of teachers at upper secondary school level and highlights how meaningful it is for the students to feel related to their teachers. Additionally, our findings show how important a nurturing relationship between teachers and students on personal and face-to-face level is for students’ engagement towards school and their studies which is considered vital to their educational success.Miklu skiptir fyrir farsæla skólagöngu að nemendur taki virkan þátt í skólanum, tengist skólasamfélaginu og finnist námið merkingarbært. Rannsóknir sýna að stór hópur framhaldsskólanemenda virðist afhuga námi og samsama sig ekki skólanum. Lítil skuldbinding á þessu aldursskeiði hefur verið rakin til þess að framhaldsskólaumhverfið komi ekki nægilega til móts við þarfir nemenda á þessu þroskaskeiði en rannsóknir skortir. Markmið rannsóknarinnar er að varpa ljósi á samskipti nemenda og kennara í framhaldsskóla og hvernig reynsla nemenda mótar skuldbindingu þeirra til náms og skóla. Leitast verður við að svara því hvaða þættir í samskiptunum efla skuldbindingu nemenda til náms og skóla. Tilgangurinn er að dýpka innsýn kennara og annars skólafólks í reynslu framhaldsskólanemenda og þar með stuðla að góðum tengslum kennara og nemenda og farsælli skólagöngu. Byggt er á eigindlegri viðtalsrannsókn sem náði til 15 nemenda í sex mismunandi framhaldsskólum. Rannsóknin var framkvæmd á tímum samkomutakmarkana vegna COVID-19 og var spurt um reynslu framhaldsskólanemendanna af samskiptum við kennara fyrir heimsfaraldurinn annars vegar og hins vegar í gegnum tölvuskjá þegar hefðbundið skólahald lagðist af. Með því að beina sjónum að skólahaldi við þessar ólíku aðstæður var leitast við að draga skýrar fram sýn ungmenna á þá þætti í samskiptum við kennara sem eru þeim mikilvægir. Greina mátti þrjú meginþemu í upplifun ungmennanna á jákvæðum samskiptum kennara og nemenda. Þau eru 1) að kennarinn leitast við að skapa tengsl við nemendur, 2) að umhyggja og stuðningur kennarans eykur vellíðan nemenda, og 3) að hvetjandi nærvera kennarans er drifkraftur í námi. Skýrt kom fram hversu miklu máli tengsl við kennara skiptu fyrir skuldbindingu viðmælenda og lýstu þeir hvernig góð tengsl við kennara höfðu jákvæð áhrif á nám þeirra, virkni, vellíðan og gleði í skólanum. Aftur á móti upplifðu þeir minna aðgengi að kennurum í framhaldsskólum en þeir áttu að venjast í grunnskóla. Þótt samband kennara og nemenda breytist eftir því sem nemendur þroskast og framhaldsskólinn sé talinn ópersónulegri en fyrri skólastig, varpa niðurstöðurnar ljósi á einstakt hlutverk kennara og hve mikilvægt náið samband kennara og nemenda er fyrir skólagöngu framhaldsskólanema
Tilgangur og framtíð menntunar í ljósi stefnumörkunar OECD og UNESCO til 2030
In the everyday discussion on schools and education, where technical and practical issues around systems and organizations are often at the forefront, fundamental questions are often missing regarding the purpose of education in the context of our common future in this world. Some scholars have pointed towards the important role of education in dealing with societal changes in the 21st century, but education systems seem to have been hesitant to deal with fundamental questions around the content and purpose of education in that relation. However, the responsibility of education in dealing with the overarching challenges the world is facing, not least in relation to climate issues, has been pressing lately, both among academics as well as from other directions. In the projects ahead, questions relating to the purpose and future of education are inseparable.Influential international organizations can have a strong impact on discourse and the creation of educational policies, as they invest time and money in developing educational policies, frameworks and indicators that nation states are encouraged to follow. Examples of such organizations are the OECD and UNESCO. These institutions have made an impact on educational policy making for years. Both institutions have recently published reports and policies, where they look towards the future and the challenges ahead.Given this situation, the study explores messages in two key educational policy documents presented by the OECD and UNESCO. The two documents present the organizations’ policy directions towards 2030 and were both published following the launching of the Sustainable Development Goals. The two institutions have for years influenced educational policies, created indicators and frameworks, and used soft governance to influence policy making within nation states, Iceland included. Even though their actual influence on policy making is not always obvious, it is quite clear that they want to have an impact and put immense work and resources into doing so. Two research questions guide the analysis. First, how do the institutions present the purpose of education in relation to the future of the world? Second, who is included in the future their policies are directed towards?The fundamentally different origins of the two organizations are reflected in the findings of the study. The OECD’s aims are always first and foremost economic, reflected in the immense work on developing indicators and creating competition between countries instead of cooperation. Even so, the OECD’s policy post-2015 presents broader aims than before, as it is connected to the Sustainable Development Goals (particularly SDG4 on quality education for all). However, the policy is directed towards the future of those who are free to move around the world, in a world of competition. Unfamiliar concepts are presented, such as inclusive growth, which are clearly supposed to represent an emphasis on inclusion and justice. One of the findings of this paper is that the OECD’s future policy does not represent a convincing turn towards a humanitarian emphasis.UNESCO’s future policy, however, is broader and specifically addresses those who have fragile access to education. The policy emphasises education as a common good and centres on the purpose of education in relation to our common responsibility for the planet and the future. UNESCO’s educational policies have been criticized for being too wide-ranging and philosophical, presenting normative visions rather than realistic ideas. Even though it can be argued that this criticism can be applied to UNESCO’s 2030 policy, the purpose presented in the policy is quite clear and a valuable contribution to the conversation about the purpose of education in relation to the future. Whereas the policy presented by the OECD focuses more on technical and instrumental issues and on finding new ways for economies (and the Earth) to survive. UNESCO, on the other hand, places a stronger emphasis on access to education and the importance of belonging in our common world – aiming at a future in which we can all live together.Í umræðu um skóla og menntun, þar sem gjarnan er tekist á um tæknileg atriði sem snúa að kerfi og skipulagi, skortir iðulega umræðu um raunverulegan tilgang menntunar í samhengi við heiminn og framtíðina. Þetta er ekki síst vandamál nú á dögum, þegar staðið er frammi fyrir alvarlegum ógnum gagnvart samfélagi og náttúru. Ítrekað hefur verið bent á ábyrgð og skyldu menntakerfisins þegar kemur að því að takast á við samfélagslegar breytingar á 21. öldinni en á sama tíma hefur verið bent á togstreitu milli ólíkra hagsmunaafla í ríkjandi orðræðu og stefnumótun í menntakerfinu.Í greininni er birt greining á stefnumótunarskjölum frá OECD og UNESCO. Skjölin voru greind með það að markmiði að varpa ljósi á annars vegar ríkjandi hugmyndir um tilgang menntunar fyrir framtíðina og hins vegar framtíð hverra endurspeglast í skjölunum. Niðurstöður endurspegla ólíka grundvallarsýn stofnananna tveggja, þar sem samfélagslegur tilgangur menntunar, meðal annars til að hlúa að sameiginlegri framtíð náttúru og samfélags á jörðinni, er nokkuð skýr hjá UNESCO. OECDstefnan aftur á móti endurspeglar mun meiri togstreitu milli samfélagslegs og efnahagslegs hlutverks menntunar. Í stefnu OECD, ólíkt stefnu UNESCO, er þögn um þau sem ekki hafa öruggt aðgengi að menntun og búa við brothætt lífsskilyrði
Gildi meistaraprófsverkefna fyrir fagmennsku uppeldisstétta: Reynsla útskrifaðra meistaranema
Teaching degrees in Iceland require specialized education at university level, consisting of three years of undergraduate and two years of master’s-level study. Until 2020, it was mandatory to complete the master\u27s program with a 30ECTS final project (MEd). As a result of Act No. 95/2019 on the education of teachers and administrators of schools, student teachers now have the choice of obtaining a Master of Teaching (MT) degree through coursework only, without doing a final project.After completing a master’s degree, teachers should have acquired good academic expertise, be able to apply key research methods, and know how to ground their opinions and decisions in the research. Teachers should be professional leaders, able to create a development-oriented learning community (Act No. 95/2019). It is, therefore, important to ensure that teacher education prepares teacher students for diverse and challenging work.This study highlights the value of final projects for master’s students in teacher education. We examined the impact of master’s-level studies, concluding in a final project on teachers’ professionalism and practices. The research question was: How does working on the final project affect master’s students’ practice and professional identity? The theoretical framework builds on the concepts of research-based teacher education, professionalism, critical thinking and reflection, teacher agency and empowerment, and learning communities.This was qualitative research of educational practices that involved collecting meaningful data and critically analyzing that data. Fifty-eight of 91 graduated students responded to a qualitative survey and 20 students participated in focus group interviews. We applied a horizontal analysis of survey responses and a vertical analysis of interviews (Gaudet & Robert, 2018), first individually and then as a group. Through this analysis, we achieved a multi-dimensional overview and depth in shaping our understanding, setting out results, and drawing conclusions. The results were grouped into three categories based on the questions in the interviews and questionnaire.We found that most participants felt empowered by completing a final project because they had been given opportunities to develop their knowledge, link theories with their work, and reflect on their experiences and decisions (Sigurður Kristinsson, 2013). The scale of the projects allowed them to link specific aspects of the project to the nature and objectives of education (Jón Torfi Jónasson, 2019). In the final project, participants selected issues relevant to them (Eklund et al., 2019; Jón Torfi Jónasson, 2012; Toom et al., 2010), giving them ownership of their projects.Student teachers are not expected to be academic researchers, but professionals who can apply a disciplined approach to self-reflection. Working on final projects motivated participants to identify actual situations they face (Schön, 1987) and analyze them (Biesta, 2019). Giving students space for self-reflection allows them to develop their own theories on learning and teaching (Hafdís Guðjónsdóttir, 2004) and position their work, based on the overall purpose of education (Biesta et al., 2015).The empowerment participants experienced through their final projects directly affected their practice. They gained skills to recognize and read into emotions related to the job, engage in professional dialogue, and explain their choices. It gave them agency to step up to new challenges, try new ideas, and take on new roles -- or to push back on situations and policies that were against their professional identities (Atli Harðarson & Magos, 2021; Buchanan, 2015). Examples include holding workshops on their research subjects, approaching their work in a research-oriented way, and applying for grants (Dysthe et al., 2006; Maaranen, 2009). They came to see themselves as trusted professionals in the school community (Cochran-Smith, 2003).The study shows that the framework of the final project and the learning space it creates has strong potential to empower future teachers to approach diverse topics in an analytical, reflective, and confident way (Anna Kristín Sigurðardóttir, 2014; Batra, 2009). We conclude that supporting master’s students in developing their professional identities through their final projects helps maintain the rigor of teacher educationKennaramenntun á Íslandi er fimm ára sérmenntun á háskólastigi; þrjú ár í grunnnámi og tvö á meistarastigi. Eftir meistarapróf til kennsluréttinda eiga kennarar að hafa góða fræðilega sérþekkingu, geta nýtt helstu rannsóknaraðferðir í uppeldis- og menntunarfræðum, tekið þátt í faglegri umræðu og rökstutt skoðanir á málefnum með fræðilegri þekkingu og rannsóknarniðurstöðum. Til 2020 var skylt að ljúka meistaranáminu með minnst 30 eininga lokaverkefni. Frá hausti 2020 hefur Menntavísindasvið boðið upp á meistaranám til kennsluréttinda án þess að gera lokaverkefni, svokallað MT-nám (e. master of teaching).Tilgangur rannsóknarinnar var að varpa ljósi á gildi þess að vinna MEd-/MA-verkefni í meistaranámi á Menntavísindasviði. Markmið rannsóknarinnar var að skoða hvernig útskrifaðir meistaranemar upplifðu ferlið við að vinna rannsóknartengt meistaraverkefni og hvaða gildi þeir töldu það hafa fyrir sig sem fagmenn.Rannsóknin byggði á aðferðafræði eigindlegra rannsókna. Gögnum var safnað með eigindlegri spurningakönnun þar sem svör fengust frá 58 þátttakendum og rýnihópaviðtölum við 20 þátttakendur. Greining gagna fólst í láréttri greiningu á svörum við spurningalista og lóðréttri greiningu gagna úr rýnihópaviðtölum.Niðurstöður benda til þess að flestir þátttakendur hafi talið sig hafa haft mikið gagn af að hafa unnið rannsóknartengt lokaverkefni. Í gegnum rannsóknarferlið upplifðu þeir valdeflingu og töldu sig eiga auðveldara með að taka afstöðu, útskýra vinnubrögð sín og fylgja þeim eftir
Að varðveita heiminn: Hannah Arendt og menntakrísan
In this article, I focus on a question Professor Emeritus Jón Torfi Jónasson has emphasized in his work and contribution to educational debate and research: the question of the purpose of education and schooling in an ever-changing and globalized world. To do this, I rely on a short essay titled The Crisis in Education, written by the political thinker Hannah Arendt in 1954. By choosing this text, I take seriously what Jónasson has recently written, and mentioned before, that while it is important to think things over anew, it is also helpful to review old and good ideas (Jón Torfi Jónasson, 2020). I believe that Arendt would have agreed with Jónasson on this matter, as she emphasized that “every thought is, strictly speaking, an afterthought” (Arendt, 1978, p. 78) or a moment that requires us to pause and put things into perspective, precisely to be able to think differently about things.Arendt’s work has been influential in analyses of global political and socio-economic events in multiple scholarly fields. Her ideas on violence, power, totalitarianism, and freedom have become urgently relevant within and across different national contexts. Her essay on the perceived crisis in education in the United States brings forth ideas that are both meaningful and important in this regard; not only to better understand the role of education in today’s societies but also as a response to increased cultural diversity and difference, often regarded as the symbol of globalization. The present article does not offer a translation or systemic analysis (i.e., thematic analysis) of Arendt’s text but is rather a somewhat personal account of Arendt’s main ideas concerning the different roles of education and schooling. This includes the notion of visiting as a way to engage with diversity and difference, the meaning and importance of preserving the world, and the complexities of belonging to a society and responding to a crisis. I also discuss Arendt’s ideas in light of more recent and emerging theories and frameworks on global citizenship education (GCE). Global citizenship has gained increased prevalence as an important concept within education policy and practice in the past decade. A significant moment came about in 2012 when the former UN Secretary-General, Ban Ki-moon, launched the Global Education First Initiative (GEFI) announcing that global citizenship was to be considered as equally important to education as ensuring access to education and enabling better quality within education. By doing so, the question of purpose, or what is education really for, became central. The concept of GCE has been supported and emphasized further as a part of UNESCO’s education policy and the Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) to pursue achievement of target 4.7 on education for sustainability and global citizenship.By drawing on the work of scholars engaging with critical pedagogy and citizenship, as well as reflecting on my own personal and professional experiences, I emphasize the importance of a critical and decentered approach to global citizenship education, looking specifically towards the seminal work of Andreotti (2006) on soft vs. critical global citizenship education. I argue that Andreotti’s work, emphasizing critical literacy not only as a part of students learning but also teachers’ pedagogical approach, can be understood to reflect some of Arendt’s ideas, in particular teachers’ responsibility for representing the world, as it is. But also, through the notion of visiting, in which we respond to diversity and difference by positioning ourselves in the place of others, allowing us the opportunity to think anew about the world we share with each other. Such a critical and decentered pedagogical approach is not only important when engaging with diversity and difference within the space of multicultural schools, but also when considering bigger questions concerning the role and purpose of education in a globalized society. It is especially important if education is to be, as Arendt (2006, p. 193) wrote, “…the point at which we decide whether we love the world enough to assume responsibility for it” and “…whether we love our children enough” to prepare them for “the task of renewing a common world”. This, I believe does not mean that we, as teachers or even parents, should tell young people that they ought to change the world, nor how they should do it, but rather that we should create the necessary space for young people to develop their own unique thoughts and actions regarding what kind of a world they are willing and able to love.Í þessari grein kem ég til með að spreyta mig á spurningu sem Jón Torfi Jónasson hefur lagt sérstaka áherslu á í starfi sínu og framlagi til menntaumræðu og rannsókna. Spurningin snýr að hlutverki menntunar og skólastarfs í síbreytilegum heimi. Til þess styðst ég að mestu við greinina „The Crisis in Education“ sem fjallar um stöðu menntamála í Bandaríkjunum á sjötta áratug síðustu aldar en greinina skrifaði pólitíski hugsuðurinn Hannah Arendt árið 1954. Með því að leita í smiðju Arendt tek ég einnig alvarlega það sem Jón Torfi sagði nýlega (og hefur rætt áður) að á sama tíma og mikilvægt er að hugsa hlutina alveg upp á nýtt er líka gott að rifja upp gamlar og góðar hugmyndir (Jón Torfi Jónasson, 2020). Þessu hefði Arendt eflaust verið sammála enda lagði hún áherslu á að hver hugsun væri, strangt til tekið, ákveðið endurlit (e. „every thought is, strictly speaking, an afterthought,“ Arendt, 1978, bls. 78) eða augnablik sem krefst þess að við stöldrum við og setjum hlutina í samhengi – einmitt til að geta hugsað þá upp á nýtt. Hér er ekki um þýðingu eða greiningu (svo sem þemagreiningu) á texta Arendt að ræða heldur fjalla ég, á nokkuð persónulegan hátt, um nokkrar af lykilhugmyndum hennar sem tengjast tilgangi menntunar og skólastarfs. Þar á meðal hvað felst í hugmyndinni að varðveita heiminn, að tilheyra samfélagi og að bregðast við krísu. Þá máta ég einnig hugmyndir hennar við nýlegri stefnur og strauma sem snúa að menntun til hnattrænnar borgaravitundar (e. global citizenship education) og birtast skýrt í nýlegri stefnumótun á alþjóðlegum vettvangi, svo sem í menntastefnu UNESCO og sem hluti af Heimsmarkmiðum Sameinuðu þjóðanna
„Það var spes að koma aftur í skólann, erfitt…“: Reynsla einstaklinga af grunnskólagöngu eftir foreldramissi
When a child or a teenager loses his or her parents, their whole world changes and a variety of challenges arise that the child or teenager must deal with. There has been relatively little research in Iceland on the impact of parental loss on children and adolescents and how the school approaches it when students face a new reality after the loss, but every year a considerable number of children in primary school lose at least one parent. The role of the school is important in this context and the school and its staff need to be able to respond correctly when students experience the trauma of losing a parent.The aim of this research was to examine individuals’ experience of elementary school after parental loss. The impact of parental loss on individuals and their schooling was examined by seeking answers to whether and what kind of support the individuals received as they returned to school after the loss. The research was conducted in 2019– 2020 and a qualitative research method was used for data gathering and processing in which individual interviews were conducted with six individuals over the age of 18 who had experienced parental loss during adolescence, i.e., when aged 12–16.The main findings showed that the individuals’ experience from school was difficult as the impact of the parental loss on their lives was significant. The individuals experienced a great deal of anger and diminished interest in academic learning. They related that the understanding they received of their bereavement and the support they had within the school was limited, at the same time as the educational requirements they had to meet were lowered. Due to that, the individuals felt isolated and lonely, which resulted in them having a harder time coping with their education. From these findings, it can be concluded that support for students who have suffered a parental loss could be better, more organized and personal, and that there is a need for increased understanding of the long and difficult process that follows a parental death. Adolescence is a tough time for many adolescents due to changes in their mental and physical development so the feelings they have, along with the emotions and sadness from the parental loss, create a difficult time for them and can cause various problems, such as depression and risk behaviour. Good collaboration between home and school is extremely important when a student is grieving but purposeful and organized support, follow-up and routine can also prevent all kinds of difficulties that the student might face during this time.Participants in the study are doing well today despite great difficulties in primary school. However, the grief over the loss of their parents will be with them for the rest of their lives, as they said themselves. The results indicate what could be done better within the schools, but the sample was small, at the same time as everyone has their own way and resilience to deal with trauma and grief, and therefore the results could not be generalized. However, the study makes an important contribution to the school community by providing knowledge and suggestions on how to improve practice when children and adolescents experience the loss of a parent or someone close to them. The study emphasizes the importance of supporting grieving students so that they can process their grief in a healthy way that leads to increased well-being. Overall, various lessons can be learned from the study, one of which is the importance of a trauma policy in each school and how important it is for schools to follow the path laid out in such a policy. Working with grieving families of students and ensuring long-term support for students who have lost a parent should also be emphasized.Þegar barn eða unglingur missir foreldri sitt breytist öll tilvera þess og margs konar áskoranir koma upp sem barnið eða unglingurinn þarf að takast á við. Hlutverk skóla er mikilvægt í þessu samhengi og þarf skólinn og starfsfólk hans að geta brugðist rétt við þegar nemendur verða fyrir því áfalli að missa foreldri. Markmið rannsóknarinnar var að varpa ljósi á reynslu einstaklinga af grunnskólanum eftir missi foreldris. Rýnt var í áhrif foreldramissisins á unglinga og skólagöngu þeirra þar sem leitað var svara við hvort og þá hvernig stuðningur mætti einstaklingunum er þeir sneru aftur í skólann eftir missinn. Einnig var rýnt í hvað mætti gera betur í skólum þegar unglingar verða fyrir missi. Tekin voru sex viðtöl við einstaklinga 18 ára og eldri sem höfðu misst foreldri á unglingsárunum, nánar tiltekið á aldrinum 12–16 ára, og var búseta þeirra á þeim tíma dreifð um landið.Niðurstöður sýna að reynsla einstaklinganna úr skólanum var erfið; mikil reiði kom í kjölfar missisins og námsáhugi flestra viðmælenda minnkaði umtalsvert. Misvel var tekið á móti viðmælendunum við komuna í skólann eftir andlát foreldrisins og skilningur starfsfólks skólanna á ferlinu sem þeir gengu í gegnum var takmarkaður. Einmanaleiki og skortur á stuðningi innan skólans, ásamt minni námskröfum, varð til þess að þeir áttu erfitt uppdráttar námslega og sum hver einnig félagslega. Út frá niðurstöðum má álykta að stuðningur við nemendur sem orðið hafa fyrir missi foreldris þyrfti að vera markvissari, skipulagðari og ekki síst persónulegri, auk þess sem skilningur á sorgarviðbrögðum og sorgarferlinu mætti vera meiri
Notkun Agile á Íslandi
Here, we examine the use of Agile methods in innovative software firms. The objective of the study was to examine the methodology based on employees‘ perspective, and it is based on a qualitative research design. Data was collected in interviews with 25 employees of 10 companies. In order to get a good overview of how the methodology is applied in the Icelandic context, we emphasized including a substantial range in terms of employee numbers and stage of company development. The results showed that none of the interviewees believed that their team worked according to a predefined Agile method, but said that they relied on their own adaptation of the methodology. In practice, however, the methods used had many similarities with Scrum and Kanban. The results also illuminated the human element in applying Agile, and implied that the main benefits were improved communication inside the team and with customers, and increased flexibility. Some challenges also emerged, related to uncertainty and rapid changes. Agile methods supported flexibility and quality in innovation and new solution development, but the challenges can nevertheless lead to increased mental burden on employees, even though Agile methods work well to limit the impact of these challenges on the deliverables themselves. The results illuminate the use of Agile methods in the context of Icelandic innovative software development and could be useful in organizing training and information intended to reduce the negative impact of the challenges on employees.Hér er til skoðunar notkun forskrifta sem kenndar eru við Agile. Markmið rannsóknarinnar sem hér er kynnt var að skoða Agile út frá upplifun starfsfólks og byggir rannsóknin á eigindlegri rannsóknaraðferð. Gagnaöflun fór fram með viðtölum við 25 starfsmenn nýskapandi hugbúnaðarfyrirtækja hjá samtals 10 fyrirtækjum. Til að fá sem best yfirlit yfir notkun Agile hér á landi var áhersla lögð á að skoða fyrirtæki með ólíkan starfsmannafjölda, allt frá sprotafyrirtækjum yfir í stór rótgróin fyrirtæki. Niðurstöður leiddu í ljós að enginn viðmælandi taldi sitt teymi starfa eftir einni skilgreindri Agile forskrift, heldur aðlöguðu fyrirtækin Agile ferla að eigin aðstæðum og stærð fyrirtækis. Þær forskriftir sem fyrirtækin notuðust við áttu þó margt sameiginlegt með þeim Agile forskriftum sem kenndar eru við Scrum og Kanban. Niðurstöðurnar vörpuðu einnig ljósi á mannlega þætti í útfærslu á Agile forskriftum og gáfu til kynna að helstu kostir við notkun á Agile væru aukin samskipti bæði innan teymis og við notendur ásamt auknum sveigjanleika. Þó komu einnig í ljós áskoranir við að starfa eftir Agile aðferðafræði. Ferlarnir þóttu auka gæði og sveigjanleika við þróun nýrra lausna í krefjandi umhverfi nýsköpunar sem leiddu til tíðra breytinga sem viðmælendur upplifðu sem andlega áskorun, jafnvel þótt Agile ferlar reyndust gagnlegir til að takmarka áhrif óvissu á vöruna sjálfa. Niðurstöður rannsóknarinnar varpa ljósi á mikilvægi þess að þekkja þessar áskoranir og gætu nýst til draga úr áhrifum þeirra með aukinni þekkingu