Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia
Not a member yet
338 research outputs found
Sort by
Vlachs’ identity and the challenges of World War II
During the Second World War, the Aromanians had their own, different perspectives over the combatants and the political structure in the region. Some of them willingly adhered to the Italian project, supported the fascist army and liked the idea of a political-territorial organisation (their own state, Pind, or at least an Albanian-Romanian confederation) under the patronage of Rome. The existence of multiple power centres with particular interests and zealous leaders weakened the force of the discourse and damaged from the inside a state project which was doomed to fail anyway, in the conditions in which Italy seemed to have other plans. The presence of many groups and leaders who disputed their supremacy, legitimacy and representation had consequences on obtaining cultural and political rights on the territories organized by the Italians. The interventions of the Romanian government tried to answer some specific and immediate needs regarding food supplies or teaching materials, but they did not manage efficiently the material and human resources and could not stifle the local conflicts for power and money.During the Second World War, the Aromanians had their own, different perspectives over the combatants and the political structure in the region. Some of them willingly adhered to the Italian project, supported the fascist army and liked the idea of a political-territorial organisation (their own state, Pind, or at least an Albanian-Romanian confederation) under the patronage of Rome. The existence of multiple power centres with particular interests and zealous leaders weakened the force of the discourse and damaged from the inside a state project which was doomed to fail anyway, in the conditions in which Italy seemed to have other plans. The presence of many groups and leaders who disputed their supremacy, legitimacy and representation had consequences on obtaining cultural and political rights on the territories organized by the Italians. The interventions of the Romanian government tried to answer some specific and immediate needs regarding food supplies or teaching materials, but they did not manage efficiently the material and human resources and could not stifle the local conflicts for power and money
From Ius Valachicum to the vlach folkloric influences within central Europe
This article aims to show the ancient links between the cultural and professional migration of the Vlach (Romanian) shepherds and their folkloric influence upon the Central Slavic ethnographic style and folkloric customs. The migration began more than 1.000 years ago and it was a phenomenon spread over East and North-East Europe and over Central Europe, far away over the River Don to the Caucasian area and through the Balkan Peninsula towards Asia Minor. Concerning the Central European medieval laws from the 17th century till the 18th century, the Vlach shepherds communities had their old oral Vlach jurisdiction and special rights periodically renewed by the Hungarian, German and Polish kings. They played an important military role as frontier guards or defenders of the nobility men. Although from the middle of the 18th century all the Vlach communities were under external domination, their cultural and folkloric heritage was identified to the Central European Slavs’ folklore. It was seen especially in the musical tradition. Many Czech, Polish and Slovak researchers have researched different old folkloric elements and published them in more than 200 abstracts or studies. The results proved that the Romanic elements were about 500 years old or more and influenced much of the Central Slavic folkloric genre. We cannot make an exception of the hundred ancient Romanian words inherited by today’s Slovak shepherds together when many thousands of Vlach ethnographic and folkloric influences lead us towards some interesting conclusions that for a long time the co-existence of the Czech, Slovak and Polish and Vlach population had generated a Slavic-Romanic cultural mix. This genre of the cultural symbioses and its elements are unique in the Central Slavic cultural area. This article aims to show the ancient links between the cultural and professional migration of the Vlach (Romanian) shepherds and their folkloric influence upon the Central Slavic ethnographic style and folkloric customs. The migration began more than 1.000 years ago and it was a phenomenon spread over East and North-East Europe and over Central Europe, far away over the River Don to the Caucasian area and through the Balkan Peninsula towards Asia Minor. Concerning the Central European medieval laws from the 17th century till the 18th century, the Vlach shepherds communities had their old oral Vlach jurisdiction and special rights periodically renewed by the Hungarian, German and Polish kings. They played an important military role as frontier guards or defenders of the nobility men. Although from the middle of the 18th century all the Vlach communities were under external domination, their cultural and folkloric heritage was identified to the Central European Slavs’ folklore. It was seen especially in the musical tradition. Many Czech, Polish and Slovak researchers have researched different old folkloric elements and published them in more than 200 abstracts or studies. The results proved that the Romanic elements were about 500 years old or more and influenced much of the Central Slavic folkloric genre. We cannot make an exception of the hundred ancient Romanian words inherited by today’s Slovak shepherds together when many thousands of Vlach ethnographic and folkloric influences lead us towards some interesting conclusions that for a long time the co-existence of the Czech, Slovak and Polish and Vlach population had generated a Slavic-Romanic cultural mix. This genre of the cultural symbioses and its elements are unique in the Central Slavic cultural area
Census Valachorum in mid-16th century upper Hungary
The Vlachs in mid-16th century Upper Hungary had different obligations than all other subjects of the feudal estate. The sum of all fiscal obligations of the Vlachs is summarized in the census of the Muráň castle estate, which always designates it under the name “census Valachorum”, a phrase that includes the delivery of sheep, lambs, quarks, or pieces of harness for horses. Their main obligation consisted in a number of sheep, lambs, and goats according to the size of their flock, which they delivered around the Pentecost. Another obligation typical of the Vlachs was the bellows cheese. For every flock was due a harness (cinctorium), named at times after its Hungarian equivalent, heveder. If this harness is common to a number of the feudal estates, on the Muráň castle estate it was supplemented by a wool fabric, called in Hungarian nemez, and in Latin subsellium, probably because it was used as felt padding for the horseback, under the saddle.The Vlachs in mid-16th century Upper Hungary had different obligations than all other subjects of the feudal estate. The sum of all fiscal obligations of the Vlachs is summarized in the census of the Muráň castle estate, which always designates it under the name “census Valachorum”, a phrase that includes the delivery of sheep, lambs, quarks, or pieces of harness for horses. Their main obligation consisted in a number of sheep, lambs, and goats according to the size of their flock, which they delivered around the Pentecost. Another obligation typical of the Vlachs was the bellows cheese. For every flock was due a harness (cinctorium), named at times after its Hungarian equivalent, heveder. If this harness is common to a number of the feudal estates, on the Muráň castle estate it was supplemented by a wool fabric, called in Hungarian nemez, and in Latin subsellium, probably because it was used as felt padding for the horseback, under the saddle
Zakon vlahom (Ius Valachicum) in the charters issued to Serbian medieval monasteries and kanuns regarding Vlachs in the early ottoman tax registers (defters)
The transhumant type of livestock breeding (mostly sheep, sometimes goats) in the Balkans has Old Balkan roots. It was most frequent in the Balkans in the Middle Ages. This type of livestock breeding was pursued by the locals – Vlachs (even before the arrival of the Slavs), as their only professional activity. Over time, it became very popular, being also adopted by the population of Slavic origin. In the Serbian medieval state, as well as in other Balkan Christian states, there were no regulations that would uniformly regulate the position of the Vlachs. Regulations regarding the position of the Vlachs can usually be found in the foundation or donation charters of the monasteries. In the few charters from the first half of 14th century rules regarding the Vlachs were grouped under the common name Zakon Vlahom. Apart from this, common law applied to them as well. In conquering the Christian lands in the Balkans in the 14th and 15th centuries, the Ottoman state initially held certain lands and regions in a vassal status, and the sanjaks were formed following their definite subjugation and the liquidation of the vassal status, within the subjugated lands or regions. After the formation of a particular sanјak a tax list was immediately established, and that is how Ottoman Tax Registers (defters) were created. In each defter of the particular sanјak in the early Ottoman period (second half of the 15th and the beginning of the 16th century) there existed a regulation known as kanun, regulating the duties of the Vlachs. They contained rules and legal traditions of common law, that had existed earlier in the territories of the subjugated Balkan Christian states.The transhumant type of livestock breeding (mostly sheep, sometimes goats) in the Balkans has Old Balkan roots. It was most frequent in the Balkans in the Middle Ages. This type of livestock breeding was pursued by the locals – Vlachs (even before the arrival of the Slavs), as their only professional activity. Over time, it became very popular, being also adopted by the population of Slavic origin. In the Serbian medieval state, as well as in other Balkan Christian states, there were no regulations that would uniformly regulate the position of the Vlachs. Regulations regarding the position of the Vlachs can usually be found in the foundation or donation charters of the monasteries. In the few charters from the first half of 14th century rules regarding the Vlachs were grouped under the common name Zakon Vlahom. Apart from this, common law applied to them as well. In conquering the Christian lands in the Balkans in the 14th and 15th centuries, the Ottoman state initially held certain lands and regions in a vassal status, and the sanjaks were formed following their definite subjugation and the liquidation of the vassal status, within the subjugated lands or regions. After the formation of a particular sanјak a tax list was immediately established, and that is how Ottoman Tax Registers (defters) were created. In each defter of the particular sanјak in the early Ottoman period (second half of the 15th and the beginning of the 16th century) there existed a regulation known as kanun, regulating the duties of the Vlachs. They contained rules and legal traditions of common law, that had existed earlier in the territories of the subjugated Balkan Christian states
Ethnic aspects of settlement in Ius Valachicum in medieval Poland (from the 14th to the beginning of the 16th century.
The purpose of this article is to present the relationships which occurred between the settlement of numerous villages on the Wallachian law in the mountainous regions of Medieval Poland and the influx of settlers representing the Wallachian ethnos in this area. Without doubt, both Poles and Ruthenians could not play a decisive role in this process for they did not have the essential skills related to the economic exploitation of mountains, and they were particularly not able to conduct a pastoral economy on a mass scale. They were also not able to independently adapt the forms of social organisation of villages, which were specific for the Wallachian law. The Vlachs, pouring into the studied area throughout the 14th to 16th centuries, were arguably not numerous, but they played a key role in organising new settlements in the mountains. A particularly significant role in this process was played by the chiefs of the Wallachian villages-knyazes (knezes). They had adequate knowledge, financial possibilities as well as administrative and judicial power over the rest of the people in order to become a group, which, on the one hand, was disseminating the Wallachian law, and on the other hand, was consequently standing up for the Wallachian law which was beneficial to them. Even though they relatively quickly underwent assimilation processes and integration with the local surroundings, losing their original ethnic distinctiveness, the Wallachian law was still being spread. In that way, it turned from being an ethnic law into a symbol of privileging all people who were using it, regardless of their ethnicity.The purpose of this article is to present the relationships which occurred between the settlement of numerous villages on the Wallachian law in the mountainous regions of Medieval Poland and the influx of settlers representing the Wallachian ethnos in this area. Without doubt, both Poles and Ruthenians could not play a decisive role in this process for they did not have the essential skills related to the economic exploitation of mountains, and they were particularly not able to conduct a pastoral economy on a mass scale. They were also not able to independently adapt the forms of social organisation of villages, which were specific for the Wallachian law. The Vlachs, pouring into the studied area throughout the 14th to 16th centuries, were arguably not numerous, but they played a key role in organising new settlements in the mountains. A particularly significant role in this process was played by the chiefs of the Wallachian villages-knyazes (knezes). They had adequate knowledge, financial possibilities as well as administrative and judicial power over the rest of the people in order to become a group, which, on the one hand, was disseminating the Wallachian law, and on the other hand, was consequently standing up for the Wallachian law which was beneficial to them. Even though they relatively quickly underwent assimilation processes and integration with the local surroundings, losing their original ethnic distinctiveness, the Wallachian law was still being spread. In that way, it turned from being an ethnic law into a symbol of privileging all people who were using it, regardless of their ethnicity. The purpose of this article is to present the relationships which occurred between the settlement of numerous villages on the Wallachian law in the mountainous regions of Medieval Poland and the influx of settlers representing the Wallachian ethnos in this area. Without doubt, both Poles and Ruthenians could not play a decisive role in this process for they did not have the essential skills related to the economic exploitation of mountains, and they were particularly not able to conduct a pastoral economy on a mass scale. They were also not able to independently adapt the forms of social organisation of villages, which were specific for the Wallachian law. The Vlachs, pouring into the studied area throughout the 14th to 16th centuries, were arguably not numerous, but they played a key role in organising new settlements in the mountains. A particularly significant role in this process was played by the chiefs of the Wallachian villages-knyazes (knezes). They had adequate knowledge, financial possibilities as well as administrative and judicial power over the rest of the people in order to become a group, which, on the one hand, was disseminating the Wallachian law, and on the other hand, was consequently standing up for the Wallachian law which was beneficial to them. Even though they relatively quickly underwent assimilation processes and integration with the local surroundings, losing their original ethnic distinctiveness, the Wallachian law was still being spread. In that way, it turned from being an ethnic law into a symbol of privileging all people who were using it, regardless of their ethnicity
Considerations regarding the Morlachs migrations from Dalmatia to Istria and the Venetian settlement policy during the 16th century
The Turkish offensive in the Balkans often determined various human groups to search for a new life outside the borders of the Ottoman Empire. In the Dalmatian hinterland, administrated by Venice since the beginning of 16th century, the Morlachs are those who, together with Serbs, Croatians, Bosnians, etc. chose to accept the Venetian protection against the non-Christian danger. On its side, St. Mark′s Republic needed more and more new people to repopulate various regions that had hardly been affected by wars, plagues and drought. During the 16th century Serenissima established the rules of internal migrations (from one region to another of Stato da Mar) and its settlement policy for the poorly inhabited areas and their new colonists. The encouragement and the development of the population transfer from Dalmatia to Istria represented an aspect of the Venetian policy in balancing the demography of the state. Arrived from the inner Balkans, the Morlachs accepted quite often to settle in south – western Istria, because the benefits and the exemptions offered by the Republic were not to be ignored: exemptions from fees for using public pasturelands, the right to build settlements in empty spaces, exemptions from fees for transport or reductions from some of the administrative taxes. Even if these benefits were temporary or permanent, they used to increase the number of Morlach migrations from Dalmatia in Istria. In effect, as the documents attest, during the 16th century plenty of Morlach settlements appeared in the hinterland of the Istrian cities, like: Rovigno, Umago, Pinguente, Montona, Cittanova, Villanova, Raspo, Parenzo etc. Despite the fact that sometimes the Morlachs chose to leave the new settlements and turn back in Turchia, the numerous settlements colonized and inhabited by them justify, up to some extent, the existence of an Istrian Morlacchia.The Turkish offensive in the Balkans often determined various human groups to search for a new life outside the borders of the Ottoman Empire. In the Dalmatian hinterland, administrated by Venice since the beginning of 16th century, the Morlachs are those who, together with Serbs, Croatians, Bosnians, etc. chose to accept the Venetian protection against the non-Christian danger. On its side, St. Mark′s Republic needed more and more new people to repopulate various regions that had hardly been affected by wars, plagues and drought. During the 16th century Serenissima established the rules of internal migrations (from one region to another of Stato da Mar) and its settlement policy for the poorly inhabited areas and their new colonists. The encouragement and the development of the population transfer from Dalmatia to Istria represented an aspect of the Venetian policy in balancing the demography of the state. Arrived from the inner Balkans, the Morlachs accepted quite often to settle in south – western Istria, because the benefits and the exemptions offered by the Republic were not to be ignored: exemptions from fees for using public pasturelands, the right to build settlements in empty spaces, exemptions from fees for transport or reductions from some of the administrative taxes. Even if these benefits were temporary or permanent, they used to increase the number of Morlach migrations from Dalmatia in Istria. In effect, as the documents attest, during the 16th century plenty of Morlach settlements appeared in the hinterland of the Istrian cities, like: Rovigno, Umago, Pinguente, Montona, Cittanova, Villanova, Raspo, Parenzo etc. Despite the fact that sometimes the Morlachs chose to leave the new settlements and turn back in Turchia, the numerous settlements colonized and inhabited by them justify, up to some extent, the existence of an Istrian Morlacchia.
Religious vocabulary in Aromanian compared to Romanian
The first layer of Aromanian Christian terminology is common for all the Balkan Romance languages. It contains a number of inherited Latin terms and some early assimilated Greek loanwords, due to the Oriental origin of Christianity. As for the later layer, the compound of terms related to ecclesiastical organisation and liturgy or to more sophisticated doctrinal concepts, the Balkan Romance languages substantially differ. In Romanian, it was formed on the basis of Slavonic (or Greek via Slavonic), which was used in the Romanian Orthodox Church by the 17th century. The liturgical language of the Aromanians was Greek (maybe except for Moscopole) and therefore, Aromanian mainly based its religious terminology on Greek, but also on Turkish and Albanian, which can be seen in the Aromanian Missal from the second half of the 18th century. In the next centuries, Aromanian religious vocabulary was strongly influenced by Romanian. The contemporary versions of religious texts, including the Bible (e.g. Caciuperi’s translations), introduce a series of Romanian terms instead of the old ones.The first layer of Aromanian Christian terminology is common for all the Balkan Romance languages. It contains a number of inherited Latin terms and some early assimilated Greek loanwords, due to the Oriental origin of Christianity. As for the later layer, the compound of terms related to ecclesiastical organisation and liturgy or to more sophisticated doctrinal concepts, the Balkan Romance languages substantially differ. In Romanian, it was formed on the basis of Slavonic (or Greek via Slavonic), which was used in the Romanian Orthodox Church by the 17th century. The liturgical language of the Aromanians was Greek (maybe except for Moscopole) and therefore, Aromanian mainly based its religious terminology on Greek, but also on Turkish and Albanian, which can be seen in the Aromanian Missal from the second half of the 18th century. In the next centuries, Aromanian religious vocabulary was strongly influenced by Romanian. The contemporary versions of religious texts, including the Bible (e.g. Caciuperi’s translations), introduce a series of Romanian terms instead of the old ones
The Aromanian-Romanian national movement (1859-1905): an analytical model
At the turn of the 20th century, Macedonia was a region still controlled by the waning Ottoman Empire, though intensely coveted by the neighbouring Balkan states, which deployed national propaganda movements in Macedonia, in preparation for future territorial annexations. It is this author’s contention that the “Macedonian question” thus engendered gives rise to several overlapping triadic configurations of interlocking, interacting and mutually monitoring nationalisms, as per the analytical model put forth by Rogers Brubaker. Working on this premise, and after adjusting Brubaker’s model to account for the specific relational settings of the Macedonian question, this author proceeds to draft a case study of a specific triadic configuration, among several operating in fin-de-siècle Macedonia: namely, the one arisen out of the mutual monitoring and interaction of a Romanian nationalizing nationalism, a Greek nationalizing nationalism, and two Aromanian (or Vlach) minority nationalisms.At the turn of the 20th century, Macedonia was a region still controlled by the waning Ottoman Empire, though intensely coveted by the neighbouring Balkan states, which deployed national propaganda movements in Macedonia, in preparation for future territorial annexations. It is this author’s contention that the “Macedonian question” thus engendered gives rise to several overlapping triadic configurations of interlocking, interacting and mutually monitoring nationalisms, as per the analytical model put forth by Rogers Brubaker. Working on this premise, and after adjusting Brubaker’s model to account for the specific relational settings of the Macedonian question, this author proceeds to draft a case study of a specific triadic configuration, among several operating in fin-de-siècle Macedonia: namely, the one arisen out of the mutual monitoring and interaction of a Romanian nationalizing nationalism, a Greek nationalizing nationalism, and two Aromanian (or Vlach) minority nationalisms
Heritage without heirs? Tangible and religious cultural heritage of the Vlach minority in Europe in the context of an interdisciplinary research project (contribution to the subject)
The article will analyze the principal problems concerning research on the cultural heritage of displaced communities in Europe from the perspective of the Vlach minority. Based on the field research conducted in several countries of Europe (e.g. Greece, Macedonia, Romania, Ukraine, Slovakia and Poland), I will present the main classification of the Vlach tangible heritage with special attention paid to the most important cultural monuments, including religious building developments (churches, icons, small religious architecture). I will portray the difficulties found in protecting this heritage and the role of cultural institutions in its preservation and exposition. It can be stated that the example of the Vlachs perfectly illustrates the complex processes related to cultures which were overwhelmingly subjugated by their neighbours and lost the fight. A neighbour, usually representing the culture of the majority, was stronger culturally, economically, politically and often militarily. The article focuses on the phenomena which classical anthropology used to inspect, claiming that its role is to protect what is fading into oblivion. Thus, the analysis of the Vlach culture presented herein refers to a much wider reflection, which is a synergy of ethnography, ethnology and cultural anthropology, and to the critical studies on heritage which are emerging in Poland.The article will analyze the principal problems concerning research on the cultural heritage of displaced communities in Europe from the perspective of the Vlach minority. Based on the field research conducted in several countries of Europe (e.g. Greece, Macedonia, Romania, Ukraine, Slovakia and Poland), I will present the main classification of the Vlach tangible heritage with special attention paid to the most important cultural monuments, including religious building developments (churches, icons, small religious architecture). I will portray the difficulties found in protecting this heritage and the role of cultural institutions in its preservation and exposition. It can be stated that the example of the Vlachs perfectly illustrates the complex processes related to cultures which were overwhelmingly subjugated by their neighbours and lost the fight. A neighbour, usually representing the culture of the majority, was stronger culturally, economically, politically and often militarily. The article focuses on the phenomena which classical anthropology used to inspect, claiming that its role is to protect what is fading into oblivion. Thus, the analysis of the Vlach culture presented herein refers to a much wider reflection, which is a synergy of ethnography, ethnology and cultural anthropology, and to the critical studies on heritage which are emerging in Poland
Introduction
The importance of the Vlachs in European culture remained unnoticed for many years. They were considered a small group of Romanised shepherds, and not a very highly developed culture, with not a great importance for the development of civilization. The specificity of the culture of the Vlachs, primarily due to its folkloristic character, wasn’t understood or appreciated. It was not realized that the management of the herds in the mountains required big skills and knowledge, and that Vlachs played an important role in the dissemination of the shepherd culture. Only recently the role of the Vlach law in shaping the social and military system of the late medieval and the early modern societies is being recognized. The role of the Vlach agent, as an important element in the formation of nationality, particularly in the Balkans, is also beginning to be perceived. Only recently it started being noticed that the Vlachs, are not just this group which has preserved its Romance language, but also numerous groups which assimilated long ago, preserving a greater or lesser extent, their traditional culture. The characteristic treatment of the Vlach population, except this part which evolved into the Romanian nation, consisted in its ease of coexistence with other ethnic groups and cultures. The Vlachs were mostly a non-state nation, and it contributed largely to the fact that their history and cultural characteristics are, after all, fairly poorly understood. Therefore, there is a great need for a new extensive research undertaken in international cooperation and for the publication of the results of these studies. For this purpose, the international research project Vlachs in European and Polish cultural area. Migration — settlement — cultural heritage has been launched. However, before the project was qualified to be financed, two institutes: the Institute of History of the Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznan and The Faculty of History at the University of Bucharest have taken a joint initiative of annual meetings of researchers on the Vlachs and the publishing series that would became space both for the publication of materials, as well as a discussion forum. The result of this initiative was a conference organized jointly in October last year in Bucharest. The next step is the joint publication of the Ius Valachicum, whose first volume we put into the hands of readers.The importance of the Vlachs in European culture remained unnoticed for many years. They were considered a small group of Romanised shepherds, and not a very highly developed culture, with not a great importance for the development of civilization. The specificity of the culture of the Vlachs, primarily due to its folkloristic character, wasn’t understood or appreciated. It was not realized that the management of the herds in the mountains required big skills and knowledge, and that Vlachs played an important role in the dissemination of the shepherd culture. Only recently the role of the Vlach law in shaping the social and military system of the late medieval and the early modern societies is being recognized. The role of the Vlach agent, as an important element in the formation of nationality, particularly in the Balkans, is also beginning to be perceived. Only recently it started being noticed that the Vlachs, are not just this group which has preserved its Romance language, but also numerous groups which assimilated long ago, preserving a greater or lesser extent, their traditional culture. The characteristic treatment of the Vlach population, except this part which evolved into the Romanian nation, consisted in its ease of coexistence with other ethnic groups and cultures. The Vlachs were mostly a non-state nation, and it contributed largely to the fact that their history and cultural characteristics are, after all, fairly poorly understood. Therefore, there is a great need for a new extensive research undertaken in international cooperation and for the publication of the results of these studies. For this purpose, the international research project Vlachs in European and Polish cultural area. Migration — settlement — cultural heritage has been launched. However, before the project was qualified to be financed, two institutes: the Institute of History of the Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznan and The Faculty of History at the University of Bucharest have taken a joint initiative of annual meetings of researchers on the Vlachs and the publishing series that would became space both for the publication of materials, as well as a discussion forum. The result of this initiative was a conference organized jointly in October last year in Bucharest. The next step is the joint publication of the Ius Valachicum, whose first volume we put into the hands of readers