Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia
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Kalendarz liturgiczny Kościoła prawosławnego w Rumunii – lokalna transformacja tradycji bizantyjskiej
Get PDFThe liturgical calendar used in the Orthodox Church in Romania dates back to the remote times of antiquity. The structure of the calendar was decisively formed in the period of Byzantium and its use was upheld by the tradition until the 20th century. The article describes the organization of the Orthodox calendar in Romania. It is divided into three cycles which designate the most significant holidays as well as customs and habits observed by the believers. The basic course is the daily cycle, which allows monks to live according to a specific rhythm determined by prayer, work and rest. It consists of seven prayers that fall at the same times of day and night. The weekly cycle includes seven days of the week starting with Sunday that is the first and at the same time the last day of the week on a symbolic level. Orthodox religion associates particular days of the week with remembering the mystery of faith, a saint or a group of saints. The liturgical week is an icon in the middle of which the Orthodox place Jesus Christ, thus it is often called a Weekly Passover. It symbolically invokes the history of salvation. The annual cycle is divided into the moveable and immoveable feasts (derived from Easter). The Orthodox Church appoints them according to the spiritual, not historical order. The spiritual order displays God’s plan to save humanity. This routine makes a full circle every year, with the same holidays placed along the course. A deliberate plan to destroy spiritual culture by communist authorities led to partial disappearance of Orthodox traditional customs or transformed them into a folk spectacle. The Communism has fallen and we can witness the resurrection of the Orthodox culture. There is a great return to the liturgical texts as well as to belles lettres created in the Byzantine time. Beside them, the old beliefs, habits and rituals molded in the Byzantine Christianity are slowly brought back to life.The liturgical calendar used in the Orthodox Church in Romania dates back to the remote times of antiquity. The structure of the calendar was decisively formed in the period of Byzantium and its use was upheld by the tradition until the 20th century. The article describes the organization of the Orthodox calendar in Romania. It is divided into three cycles which designate the most significant holidays as well as customs and habits observed by the believers. The basic course is the daily cycle, which allows monks to live according to a specific rhythm determined by prayer, work and rest. It consists of seven prayers that fall at the same times of day and night. The weekly cycle includes seven days of the week starting with Sunday that is the first and at the same time the last day of the week on a symbolic level. Orthodox religion associates particular days of the week with remembering the mystery of faith, a saint or a group of saints. The liturgical week is an icon in the middle of which the Orthodox place Jesus Christ, thus it is often called a Weekly Passover. It symbolically invokes the history of salvation. The annual cycle is divided into the moveable and immoveable feasts (derived from Easter). The Orthodox Church appoints them according to the spiritual, not historical order. The spiritual order displays God’s plan to save humanity. This routine makes a full circle every year, with the same holidays placed along the course. A deliberate plan to destroy spiritual culture by communist authorities led to partial disappearance of Orthodox traditional customs or transformed them into a folk spectacle. The Communism has fallen and we can witness the resurrection of the Orthodox culture. There is a great return to the liturgical texts as well as to belles lettres created in the Byzantine time. Beside them, the old beliefs, habits and rituals molded in the Byzantine Christianity are slowly brought back to life
Балканы, Германия и Австро-Венгрия накануне и в годы мировой войны в эстонской национальной историографии межвоенного периода
Get PDFThe article gives an overview of approaches that has been developed in interwar Estonian historiography of world affairs in the Balkans on the eve and during WWI. In that time the progress in the researchers of world history has been noticed in Estonian national historical science. Despite scarcity in their number and predominance among them of those who has been making only first steps in science, or so-called „beginners”, Estonian scholars have displayed certain achievements in this field. Young Estonian authors have focused their efforts on studies of German foreign policy combinations, internal weakness of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, strengthening of the national movements in Dual Monarchy and particular territorial interests of Great Powers. So-called young generation of the scholars has been influenced on the side of their elder „mentors”, specialists in world history, have defined Balkans as the fulcrum of WWI. The preponderance of German factor in their writings should be explained with the fact that Germany has been playing strong and active role in many spheres of Estonian life for a long time span. In some ways, it affected also sociological approach to analysis of world affairs. Both young and elder Estonian historians shared of socially oriented ideas of independent nationhood, which served as basic principal of their explanations of the international events and which has been seriously influenced by Estonia’s domestic situation.The article gives an overview of approaches that has been developed in interwar Estonian historiography of world affairs in the Balkans on the eve and during WWI. In that time the progress in the researchers of world history has been noticed in Estonian national historical science. Despite scarcity in their number and predominance among them of those who has been making only first steps in science, or so-called „beginners”, Estonian scholars have displayed certain achievements in this field. Young Estonian authors have focused their efforts on studies of German foreign policy combinations, internal weakness of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, strengthening of the national movements in Dual Monarchy and particular territorial interests of Great Powers. So-called young generation of the scholars has been influenced on the side of their elder „mentors”, specialists in world history, have defined Balkans as the fulcrum of WWI. The preponderance of German factor in their writings should be explained with the fact that Germany has been playing strong and active role in many spheres of Estonian life for a long time span. In some ways, it affected also sociological approach to analysis of world affairs. Both young and elder Estonian historians shared of socially oriented ideas of independent nationhood, which served as basic principal of their explanations of the international events and which has been seriously influenced by Estonia’s domestic situation.The article gives an overview of approaches that has been developed in interwar Estonian historiography of world affairs in the Balkans on the eve and during WWI. In that time the progress in the researchers of world history has been noticed in Estonian national historical science. Despite scarcity in their number and predominance among them of those who has been making only first steps in science, or so-called „beginners”, Estonian scholars have displayed certain achievements in this field. Young Estonian authors have focused their efforts on studies of German foreign policy combinations, internal weakness of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, strengthening of the national movements in Dual Monarchy and particular territorial interests of Great Powers. So-called young generation of the scholars has been influenced on the side of their elder „mentors”, specialists in world history, have defined Balkans as the fulcrum of WWI. The preponderance of German factor in their writings should be explained with the fact that Germany has been playing strong and active role in many spheres of Estonian life for a long time span. In some ways, it affected also sociological approach to analysis of world affairs. Both young and elder Estonian historians shared of socially oriented ideas of independent nationhood, which served as basic principal of their explanations of the international events and which has been seriously influenced by Estonia’s domestic situation
Wojny bałkańskie 1912-1913 przyczyną rozwoju nacjonalizmu „gorącego” na Bałkanach w XX wieku. Zarys problemu
Get PDFThe aim of this article is to examine the origin of “hot nationalism” in the Balkans. Undoubtedly, this kind of nationalism was the final element of the Balkan Wars, that erupted in 1912. The author presents the hypothesis that all Balkan conflicts have in common many factors. First of all, they were leading to develop of the modern nationalism. The ethnic cleansing, which were conducted during the Balkans Wars became the origin of the next Balkan conflicts in XX and XXI centuries. Furthermore, the most important acts of cruelty, violations, rapes, murders are being described along with the overall as it is being manifested in the case of Macedonia. The crucial source of this article constitutes The other Balkan Wars. A 1913 Carnegie Endowment inquiry in retrospect with a new introduction and reflections on the present conflict by George F. Kennan, written in Washington 1993, based on Carnegie Commission Report (1914), whose authors emphasized that “hot nationalism” manifested itself on the field of battle, drew on deeper traits of character inherited, presumably, from a distant tribal past, a tendency to view the outsider, with dark suspicion, and to see the political opponent as a fearful and implacable enemy to be rendered harmless only by total and unpitying destruction. The author asks the question if the “Eastern nationalism”, the most ferocious nationalism, still causes the threat to the security not only in the South Europe but also in the Old Continent?The aim of this paper is to examine the origin of “hot nationalism” in the Balkans. Undoubtedly, this kind of nationalism was the final element of the Balkan Wars, that erupted in 1912. The author presents the hypothesis that all Balkan conflicts have in common many factors. First of all, they were leading to develop of the modern nationalism. The ethnic cleansing, which were conducted during the Balkans Wars became the origin of the next Balkan conflicts in XX and XXI centuries. Furthermore, the most important acts of cruelty, violations, rapes, murders are being described along with the overall as it is being manifested in the case of Macedonia. The crucial source of this article constitutes The other Balkan Wars. A 1913 Carnegie Endowment inquiry in retrospect with a new introduction and reflections on the present conflict by George F. Kennan, written in Washington 1993, based on Carnegie Commission Report (1914), whose authors emphasized that “hot nationalism” manifested itself on the field of battle, drew on deeper traits of character inherited, presumably, from a distant tribal past, a tendency to view the outsider, with dark suspicion, and to see the political opponent as a fearful and implacable enemy to be rendered harmless only by total and unpitying destruction. The author asks the question if the “Eastern nationalism”, the most ferocious nationalism, still causes the threat to the security not only in the South Europe but also in the Old Continent
Rumuńscy Arumuni i ich język
Get PDFUntil 1913, all Aromanians lived in the same state i.e. the Ottoman Empire, on equal terms with the other non-Muslim subjects of the sultan. After the Balkan wars, they did not succeed in forming their own state and they became separated by the new borders of the four countries: Greece, Bulgaria, Serbia and Albania. That quickly led to ethnic and linguistic tensions, especially in Greece, which continued its policy of forced assimilation of the Vlachs. The mass emigration to Romania, considered by many Vlachs as their only real homeland – first to the Southern and then to the Northern Dobruja – saved them from persecutions but did not protect their ethnic, linguistic and cultural distinctness from assimilation. After having settled in Romania, Aromanians adopted the Romanian identity and language according to the theory that they represented a part of the Romanian nation and their language – a dialect of Romanian. This traditional, pro-Romanian point of view was the only and official one for a half century, until the late 1970s. It still subsists but competes now with a new, opposite point of view, considered and named a “separatist” one. This new point of view envisages the Aromanians to be a separate nation with a distinct language and requires their recognition as a minority group on behalf of the Romanian authorities. Regarding the linguistic aspect, the Aromanian language used in Romania is strongly influenced by Romanian, both lexically and gramatically. For the Aromanian language, Romanian represents a source of modern life or abstract vocabulary and a model of morphosyntactic structures. As for the linguistic analysis in our present study, it is based on Aromanian-language articles and literary works, translated or original, written by Aromanian intellectuals from Romania (some of whom subsequently having emigrated in the meantime and lived in other countries).Until 1913, all Aromanians lived in the same state i.e. the Ottoman Empire, on equal terms with the other non-Muslim subjects of the sultan. After the Balkan wars, they did not succeed in forming their own state and they became separated by the new borders of the four countries: Greece, Bulgaria, Serbia and Albania. That quickly led to ethnic and linguistic tensions, especially in Greece, which continued its policy of forced assimilation of the Vlachs. The mass emigration to Romania, considered by many Vlachs as their only real homeland – first to the Southern and then to the Northern Dobruja – saved them from persecutions but did not protect their ethnic, linguistic and cultural distinctness from assimilation. After having settled in Romania, Aromanians adopted the Romanian identity and language according to the theory that they represented a part of the Romanian nation and their language – a dialect of Romanian. This traditional, pro-Romanian point of view was the only and official one for a half century, until the late 1970s. It still subsists but competes now with a new, opposite point of view, considered and named a “separatist” one. This new point of view envisages the Aromanians to be a separate nation with a distinct language and requires their recognition as a minority group on behalf of the Romanian authorities. Regarding the linguistic aspect, the Aromanian language used in Romania is strongly influenced by Romanian, both lexically and gramatically. For the Aromanian language, Romanian represents a source of modern life or abstract vocabulary and a model of morphosyntactic structures. As for the linguistic analysis in our present study, it is based on Aromanian-language articles and literary works, translated or original, written by Aromanian intellectuals from Romania (some of whom subsequently having emigrated in the meantime and lived in other countries)
Bitwa pod Kumanowem na łamach gazety „Politika” – mit umacniający pozycję polityczną króla Aleksandra Karadjordjevicia
Get PDFAlthough the commander-in-chief of the Serbian army during both Balkan wars was the chief of staff, general Radomir Putnik, it was his subordinate, a mere 24 years-old Prince Aleksander. The battle of Kumanovo (23rd–24th October 1912), considered as one of the most important battles of the First Balkan War, brought him a great prestige. It seems, that Aleksander tried to strengthen his image as an honest and honorable soldier fighting in defense of his homeland and for the liberation of all South Slavs. It was an effective way of obtaining sympathy subjects, the way, which began to be used on a larger scale after taking the throne by Aleksander Karadjordjević (16th August 1921). The largest and most popular newspaper in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (since 1929 Yugoslavia), the daily “Politika” supported the official political line of the king. A very interesting aspect of this activity is its way of presenting events associated with the commemoration of the battle of Kumanovo. The cultivation of the so-called “myth of Kumanovo” was important aspect of king’s Aleksander policy, who in the face of ongoing problems and disputes in the internal policy of the country, wanted to be seen as “unifier”, soldier and hero, who was not interested in political games. Much of his subjects perceived him exactly in that way.Although the commander-in-chief of the Serbian army during both Balkan wars was the chief of staff, general Radomir Putnik, it was his subordinate, a mere 24 years-old Prince Aleksander. The battle of Kumanovo (23rd–24th October 1912), considered as one of the most important battles of the First Balkan War, brought him a great prestige. It seems, that Aleksander tried to strengthen his image as an honest and honorable soldier fighting in defense of his homeland and for the liberation of all South Slavs. It was an effective way of obtaining sympathy subjects, the way, which began to be used on a larger scale after taking the throne by Aleksander Karadjordjević (16th August 1921). The largest and most popular newspaper in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (since 1929 Yugoslavia), the daily “Politika” supported the official political line of the king. A very interesting aspect of this activity is its way of presenting events associated with the commemoration of the battle of Kumanovo. The cultivation of the so-called “myth of Kumanovo” was important aspect of king’s Aleksander policy, who in the face of ongoing problems and disputes in the internal policy of the country, wanted to be seen as “unifier”, soldier and hero, who was not interested in political games. Much of his subjects perceived him exactly in that way
Константинопол; Никeя; Михаил Хониат; Михаил VIII Палеолог
Get PDFBithynian Nicaea functioned as a capital of the Byzantine state for just under sixty years. Despite that temporariness, the city was able to perform a majority of the roles of the capital ‘Constantinopolitan style’. It was a residence of an emperor and a patriarch, a place of the imperial coronations, a centre of culture and science, a stately city under particular imperial protection. It lacked but one, irretrievable feature – it was not Constantinople itself. Michael Choniates wrote that Nicaea was a Babylon for the Byzantines and after completing their repentance there they would be allowed to return to the City, their ‘promised land’. That prophecy was fulfilled in the summer of 1261, when Constantinople fell into the hands of Michael VIII Palaeologus.Bithynian Nicaea functioned as a capital of the Byzantine state for just under sixty years. Despite that temporariness, the city was able to perform a majority of the roles of the capital ‘Constantinopolitan style’. It was a residence of an emperor and a patriarch, a place of the imperial coronations, a centre of culture and science, a stately city under particular imperial protection. It lacked but one, irretrievable feature – it was not Constantinople itself. Michael Choniates wrote that Nicaea was a Babylon for the Byzantines and after completing their repentance there they would be allowed to return to the City, their ‘promised land’. That prophecy was fulfilled in the summer of 1261, when Constantinople fell into the hands of Michael VIII Palaeologus.Bithynian Nicaea functioned as a capital of the Byzantine state for just under sixty years. Despite that temporariness, the city was able to perform a majority of the roles of the capital ‘Constantinopolitan style’. It was a residence of an emperor and a patriarch, a place of the imperial coronations, a centre of culture and science, a stately city under particular imperial protection. It lacked but one, irretrievable feature – it was not Constantinople itself. Michael Choniates wrote that Nicaea was a Babylon for the Byzantines and after completing their repentance there they would be allowed to return to the City, their ‘promised land’. That prophecy was fulfilled in the summer of 1261, when Constantinople fell into the hands of Michael VIII Palaeologus
Półwysep Bałkański jako obszar działań militarnych podczas wojen bałkańskich. Charakterystyka geograficzno-wojskowa
Get PDFThe Balkan peninsula on account of its peculiar location and the terrain constitutes the unusually interesting object of the research on military conflicts. Forms of operations applied in conflicts, which took place in the range border of the geographical-political Balkans, let read wars run in this area in the course of a few hundred years. Based on experience resulting from the conflicts of Balkan and other antagonisms, which occurred on the Peninsula during the last century, it is possible to state that the conducted research on meaning of this area can constitute the initial base to next research on Balkan military conflicts. Furthermore, the terrain and its components always serve as a toll to pinpoint the indispensable measures to conduct the wars.The Balkan peninsula on account of its peculiar location and the terrain constitutes the unusually interesting object of the research on military conflicts. Forms of operations applied in conflicts, which took place in the range border of the geographical-political Balkans, let read wars run in this area in the course of a few hundred years. Based on experience resulting from the conflicts of Balkan and other antagonisms, which occurred on the Peninsula during the last century, it is possible to state that the conducted research on meaning of this area can constitute the initial base to next research on Balkan military conflicts. Furthermore, the terrain and its components always serve as a toll to pinpoint the indispensable measures to conduct the wars
Pierwsza wojna bałkańska według francuskiego dziennika „Le Temps”, a zachodnioeuropejskie stereotypy dotyczące ludów bałkańskich
Get PDF“Le Temps” was one of the most important French newspapers of the first half of XXth century. In the first two months of the first Balkan war the progress of this conflict was the most important subject for the editors of “Le Temps”. The information provided by the daily had a binary character. On the one hand the readers might found the descriptions of diplomatic and military operations of the states participating in conflict, and the other political powers interested in the situation in the region. On the other hand the journal systematically published large commentaries made by the political commentators and the Balkan correspondents of the daily. In the articles published in “Le Temps” one can find the images of Balkans which are typical for Western European image of Balkans, which started to emerge in the beginning of XVIIIth century. It is important to underline that this image of Balkans presented in “Le Temps” did not concern only politics and war. The conflict became a pretext for the presentation of wild Balkan nature and the traditional culture of the Balkans. In the articles published in the newspaper it is possible to find also the reflections concerning the backwardness of social structures of Balkan people and their civilizations, as well as the remarks on the process of modernizations of those societies caused by military mobilization. “Le Temps” promoted the Western European stereotypes about Balkans, which up to that time were present mainly in travel journals, not so influential as the daily journals. The representation of Balkans presented by “Le Temps” was the synthesis of the images already known. The example of this journal shows that the image of Balkan people in the time of the Balkan war may be considered as the climax of the process of evolution of the Balkan stereotypes.“Le Temps” was one of the most important French newspapers of the first half of XXth century. In the first two months of the first Balkan war the progress of this conflict was the most important subject for the editors of “Le Temps”. The information provided by the daily had a binary character. On the one hand the readers might found the descriptions of diplomatic and military operations of the states participating in conflict, and the other political powers interested in the situation in the region. On the other hand the journal systematically published large commentaries made by the political commentators and the Balkan correspondents of the daily. In the articles published in “Le Temps” one can find the images of Balkans which are typical for Western European image of Balkans, which started to emerge in the beginning of XVIIIth century. It is important to underline that this image of Balkans presented in “Le Temps” did not concern only politics and war. The conflict became a pretext for the presentation of wild Balkan nature and the traditional culture of the Balkans. In the articles published in the newspaper it is possible to find also the reflections concerning the backwardness of social structures of Balkan people and their civilizations, as well as the remarks on the process of modernizations of those societies caused by military mobilization. “Le Temps” promoted the Western European stereotypes about Balkans, which up to that time were present mainly in travel journals, not so influential as the daily journals. The representation of Balkans presented by “Le Temps” was the synthesis of the images already known. The example of this journal shows that the image of Balkan people in the time of the Balkan war may be considered as the climax of the process of evolution of the Balkan stereotypes