Balcanica Posnaniensia Acta et studia
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Bośnia i Hercegowina. Kultura, literatura, język, polityka, red. Anetta Buras-Marciniak, seria Bałkany XX/XXI, Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego, Łódź 2019, ss. 303.
Get PDFElity Raguzy w perspektywie francuskich administratorów Prowincji Iliryjskich
Get PDFWith small exceptions, it is not possible to find in the remaining testimonies any traces of stereotypes that could be associated with the images of the Balkans, the Orient or Eastern Europe. Although the nobility of Ragusa was described as proud, this pride was presented as justified, because the bond of the most-important families with the republic reached back to the Middle Ages, and also because of the entrepreneurial spirit of the nobles that brought prosperity to the whole city. The picture was contrasted with the descriptions of Dalmatian Italians, portrayed as intruders who did not contribute to the development of the region. The difference between the perception of the Italian and Ragusan elite was connected with the concept of a nation that became one of the key elements of the Napoleonic policy in Europe.Szlacheckie rody i mieszczaństwo Raguzy oceniane były przez francuskich administratorów Prowincji Iliryjskich (1809-1813) bardzo pozytywnie. Z małymi wyjątkami próżno doszukiwać się w pozostawionych świadectwach śladów stereotypów, które można by połączyć z obrazami Bałkanów, Orientu, czy Europy Wschodniej. Choć szlachta Raguzy była opisywana jako dumna, lub nawet wyniosła, to duma ta została przedstawiona jako uzasadniona, ponieważ więź najznamienitszych rodzin z republiką sięgała czasów średniowiecza, a także z powodu przedsiębiorczego ducha, który przyniósł dobrobyt całemu miastu. Z obrazem tym kontrastowały opisy dalmatyńskich Włochów, przedstawianych jako intruzi, którzy nie przyczyniali się do rozwoju regionu. Różnica między percepcją włoskich i dubrownickich elit była związana z pojęciem narodu, które stało się jednym z kluczowych elementów polityki napoleońskiej w Europie
Yugoslav diplomats during the interwar period
Get PDFThe article deals with influence of the Serbian elite in the scope of the Yugoslav Foreign Service during 1918–1939. The influence of the elite circles was particularly prominent in the Yugoslav Army and in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, as was the case in Serbia until 1918. As non-institutional factors had great influence on the work of state institutions, the first aim of this paper is to examine the main aspect for selection, career development and obstacles in the life of Yugoslav Diplomats, derived from the power struggle among elite circles. The second aim is to compare Serbian and Yugoslav experiences in order to establish similarities and differences in the characteristics of the pre-War and Interwar Diplomatic-Consular personnel. The analysis is based on Yugoslav archival materials, as well as on foreign published documents, memorial literature and relevant Yugoslav/Serbian and foreign historiography.The article deals with influence of the Serbian elite in the scope of the Yugoslav Foreign Service during 1918–1939. The influence of the elite circles was particularly prominent in the Yugoslav Army and in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, as was the case in Serbia until 1918. As non-institutional factors had great influence on the work of state institutions, the first aim of this paper is to examine the main aspect for selection, career development and obstacles in the life of Yugoslav Diplomats, derived from the power struggle among elite circles. The second aim is to compare Serbian and Yugoslav experiences in order to establish similarities and differences in the characteristics of the pre-War and Interwar Diplomatic-Consular personnel. The analysis is based on Yugoslav archival materials, as well as on foreign published documents, memorial literature and relevant Yugoslav/Serbian and foreign historiography
Sprawozdanie z konferencji XVII Balcanicum: Elity społeczne i ekonomiczne na Bałkanach (Poznań, 26-27 października 2018)
Get PDFWędrując śladami umarłych. Foto-teksty Dašy Drndić
Get PDFThe starting point for the article is the conviction that in her books, the Croatian author Daša Drndić consistently explores the themes of memory and oblivion about Holocaust and the World War II victims. The paper juxtaposes the excerpts from her two novels: April in Berlin (2009) and EEG (2016). In both of them, the author inserts peculiar photo-texts in which the visual layer mingles with the linguistic one. In the first one, this relation is obvious (photographs and text are set together here), whereas in the second one it is more ambiguous. However, I endeavor to demonstrate that using language, Drndić manages to create the unusual graphic “pictures in motion” that simultaneously envision the contemporary Zagreb as well as the same city from the 1940s. The interpretation of such fragments is additionally enhanced with the considerations on the Croatian capital city’s space which is filled with multiple signs of “difficult heritage” (Sharon Macdonald’s term).Punktem wyjścia niniejszego tekstu jest przekonanie, że chorwacka autorka Daša Drndić w kolejnych swoich książkach konsekwentnie eksploatuje tematykę pamięci i zapomnienia o Holokauście oraz o ofiarach z czasów drugiej wojny światowej. W artykule zestawione zostają fragmenty z dwóch książek April u Berlinu z 2009 r. i EEG z 2016 r. W obu autorka umieszcza rodzaj foto-tekstów, w których dochodzi do połączenia warstwy wizualnej z językową. W pierwszej z nich ten związek jest oczywisty (mamy tam bowiem zestawienie fotografii i tekstu), w drugiej zaś nie jest jednoznaczny, choć staram się wykazać, że Drndić udało się przy pomocą języka stworzyć niezwykle plastyczne „obrazy w ruchu”, w których nałożone zostają na siebie sceny z dzisiejszego Zagrzebia i z lat 40 XX w. Interpretacja tego rodzaju fragmentów zostaje ponadto uzupełniona o rozważania na temat przestrzeni chorwackiej stolicy, w której brakuje znaków świadczących o „trudnym dziedzictwie” (termin Sharon Macdonald)
Wołosi/Vlasi z terenów Hercegowiny w świetle defterów osmańskich z XV i XVI wieku
Get PDFDefter\u27s are an excellent source for historians, especially in demographic and socio-economic research, they are also very useful in researching the Vlachian communities.Analysis of material contained in Ottoman defter\u27s from the Herzegovina area leads to the following conclusions:1. In the area of Herzegovina, in the second half of the fifteenth century, Vlachs lived in a mostly nomadic lifestyle. Their number was at least sixty thousand people.2. In the second half of the fifteenth century, many abandoned villages were recorded. Abandoned villages were gradually settled by migratory Vlachs, which contributed to their change of lifestyle on semi-settled and settled. In 1585, Vlachs - shepherds who were not associated with a village were rare.3. In the Ottoman state, Vlachs those who lead an nomadic way of living, as well as those living in the Vlachian villages, were tax-favored, paid only a lump grazing tax for the state (a filuria with allowances), and did not pay any benefits to the timar owner. In the event that they served as derbenci\u27s or vojnuc\u27s, they were exempted from all taxes.4. Settling in the former agricultural villages, in particular related to undertaking agricultural activities, was most often associated with an additional burden of tithing for the sipahi. Departure from pastoralism meant degradation to a group of raya, most often in these villages mixed-agricultural-pastoral management was conducted. Newly settled villages rarely received the status of the vlachian villages, because such status freed residents from additional benefits even in the case of agricultural classes.5. The flat-rate grazing tax, filuria, in the fifteenth century had a fixed value and equaled 45 akçe, while at the end of the sixteenth century it was different for various Vlachs groups and could range from 60 to 200 akçe. Considering the fact that additional fees for sheep or tents were liquidated and that the value of employment fell akçe significantly compared to the fifteenth century, the real amount of taxes did not increase, and in some cases it decreased.6. Not much on the basis of defilers can be said about the language used by the Herzegovina Vlachs. In defeats from the fifteenth century they bear mostly Slavic names, but sometimes there are also names only in the Vlachs: Radu, Bratul, Dabija, the same also applies to local names.7. Gradually, Islamization processes took place. In the fifteenth century, they are almost invisible among the Vlachs, almost all of them wore Christian names. At the end of the sixteenth century, a significant percentage of Vlachs wore Muslim names. The Islamization process seems to be faster among the Vlachs settled than the Vlachs nomads, but there is no rule.8. In the light of the defters in the area of Herzegovina, there is no difference between Muslims and non-Muslims in burdens to the state, but defters do not include the cizye, or headship, collected from non-Muslims.Defter\u27s are an excellent source for historians, especially in demographic and socio-economic research, they are also very useful in researching the Vlachian communities.Analysis of material contained in Ottoman defter\u27s from the Herzegovina area leads to the following conclusions:1. In the area of Herzegovina, in the second half of the fifteenth century, Vlachs lived in a mostly nomadic lifestyle. Their number was at least sixty thousand people.2. In the second half of the fifteenth century, many abandoned villages were recorded. Abandoned villages were gradually settled by migratory Vlachs, which contributed to their change of lifestyle on semi-settled and settled. In 1585, Vlachs - shepherds who were not associated with a village were rare.3. In the Ottoman state, Vlachs those who lead an nomadic way of living, as well as those living in the Vlachian villages, were tax-favored, paid only a lump grazing tax for the state (a filuria with allowances), and did not pay any benefits to the timar owner. In the event that they served as derbenci\u27s or vojnuc\u27s, they were exempted from all taxes.4. Settling in the former agricultural villages, in particular related to undertaking agricultural activities, was most often associated with an additional burden of tithing for the sipahi. Departure from pastoralism meant degradation to a group of raya, most often in these villages mixed-agricultural-pastoral management was conducted. Newly settled villages rarely received the status of the vlachian villages, because such status freed residents from additional benefits even in the case of agricultural classes.5. The flat-rate grazing tax, filuria, in the fifteenth century had a fixed value and equaled 45 akçe, while at the end of the sixteenth century it was different for various Vlachs groups and could range from 60 to 200 akçe. Considering the fact that additional fees for sheep or tents were liquidated and that the value of employment fell akçe significantly compared to the fifteenth century, the real amount of taxes did not increase, and in some cases it decreased.6. Not much on the basis of defilers can be said about the language used by the Herzegovina Vlachs. In defeats from the fifteenth century they bear mostly Slavic names, but sometimes there are also names only in the Vlachs: Radu, Bratul, Dabija, the same also applies to local names.7. Gradually, Islamization processes took place. In the fifteenth century, they are almost invisible among the Vlachs, almost all of them wore Christian names. At the end of the sixteenth century, a significant percentage of Vlachs wore Muslim names. The Islamization process seems to be faster among the Vlachs settled than the Vlachs nomads, but there is no rule.8. In the light of the defters in the area of Herzegovina, there is no difference between Muslims and non-Muslims in burdens to the state, but defters do not include the cizye, or headship, collected from non-Muslims
Gabriel Radomir (1014–1015) i Jan Władysław (1015–1018), władcy państwa bułgarskiego w źródłach bizantyńskich
Get PDFThe article concerns the image of the Bulgarian tsars: Gavril Radomir and John Vladislav, who resisted the emperor Basil II for over three years after the death of tsar Samuel. According to the author, they did enjoy much attention of the Byzantine historians. On the one hand, it was due to the briefness of the reigns of the aforementioned tsars’, on the other, because of the conviction that the outcome of the conflict between the Empire and Bulgaria of Cometopulis had been decided earlier - during the bloody war with Samuel, who certainly was considered a character of much higher stature than his successors.Artykuł poświęcony jest wizerunkowi carów bułgarskich: Gabriela Radomira i Jana Władysława, którzy przez ponad trzy lata po śmierci cara Samuela stawiali opór cesarzowi Bazylemu II. Według autora nie wzbudzili on specjalnego zainteresowania bizantyńskich historiografów. Z jednej strony wynikało to z krótkotrwałości ich rządów, z drugiej zaś, być może, z przekonania, że losy zmagań cesarstwa z Bułgarią Komitopulów rozstrzygnęły się już wcześniej – w krwawych bojach z Samuelem, który dla Bizantyńczyków był z pewnością postacią zdecydowanie większego formatu niż jego następcy
Ivana Pantelić, Uspon i pad „prve drugarice“ Jugoslavije: Jovanka Broz i srpska javnost 1952-2013. [The Rise and Fall of Yugoslavia’s “First Female Comrade”: Jovanka Broz and the Serbian Public, 1952-2013]. Beograd: Službeni glasnik, 2018, 337 pp.
Get PDFArso Jovanović – an erased biography
Get PDFThe article presents a basic overview of the war record of the chief of the SupremeStaff of the Partisan army Arso Jovanović. Jovanović\u27s war biography is described in relation to three social groups in which he had operated. The first social group was the Piper clan, or the local Montenegrin context in which he was born and grew up. The other social group was the leadership of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ) with which he cooperated during the war. The third social group was the circle of Montenegrin generals of the Yugoslav army (JA) which Jovanović belonged o until his unexplained death in the summer of 1948. This paper describes how all these groups were interlinked through Jovanović, how they affected each other creating the preconditions for the events of World War II and the post-war period in Yugoslavia