Zeitschrift für Ostmitteleuropa-Forschung / Journal of East Central European Studies (ZfO)
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Dietmar Müller: Bodeneigentum und Nation. Rumänien, Jugoslawien und Polen im europäischen Vergleich 1918–1948. (Moderne europäische Geschichte, Bd. 17.)
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Umstrittene Räume in der Ukraine. Politische Diskurse, literarische Repräsentationen und kartographische Visualisierungen. Hrsg. von Sabine v. Löwis.
Get PDFArchitects in the General Government: Activities, Reckoning, Memory
No full textThe paper analyses architects as a professional group in General Government (GG) during the Second World War. It showcases some of their design work, projects, employment, education, and other aspects of everyday life in an occupied country. The focus is on architects working in three cities: the former Polish capital of Warsaw, the GG’s new capital city of Cracow, and Zakopane, localized in the Tatra Mountains, which was intended to become a modern resort and sport center. The paper also mentions cases from Zamość and Radom. Most of the projects were realized by Polish architects employed by the German authorities. In Zakopane, Polish architects had a stronger position and more freedom in their work than in the other cities of GG. The article investigates the relationships between architecture and politics as well as the ideological impact of the architects’ work. Using unpublished archival sources, it evaluates the post-war requitals of the German architect Hubert Groß and a Polish colleague Stefan Żychoń. Neither of the two had to face a court after the war due to his activity as an architect during the occupation. Groß was accused of having been a member in different Nazi organizations, and Stefan Żychoń was suspended from the Association of Polish Architects for one year. For political reasons, both German and Polish architects seldom included war-related activities in their official curricula after 1945. In Poland they remain a taboo until today.The paper analyses architects as a professional group in General Government (GG) during the Second World War. It showcases some of their design work, projects, employment, education, and other aspects of everyday life in an occupied country. The focus is on architects working in three cities: the former Polish capital of Warsaw, the GG’s new capital city of Cracow, and Zakopane, localized in the Tatra Mountains, which was intended to become a modern resort and sport center. The paper also mentions cases from Zamość and Radom. Most of the projects were realized by Polish architects employed by the German authorities. In Zakopane, Polish architects had a stronger position and more freedom in their work than in the other cities of GG. The article investigates the relationships between architecture and politics as well as the ideological impact of the architects’ work. Using unpublished archival sources, it evaluates the post-war requitals of the German architect Hubert Groß and a Polish colleague Stefan Żychoń. Neither of the two had to face a court after the war due to his activity as an architect during the occupation. Groß was accused of having been a member in different Nazi organizations, and Stefan Żychoń was suspended from the Association of Polish Architects for one year. For political reasons, both German and Polish architects seldom included war-related activities in their official curricula after 1945. In Poland they remain a taboo until today
Transottomanica – Osteuropäisch-osmanisch-persische Mobilitätsdynamiken. Perspektiven und Forschungsstand. Hrsg. von Stefan Rohdewald, Stephan Conermann und Albrecht Fuess.
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Flüchtlingsfrage und Staatsbürgerschaft in Ungarn nach dem Ersten Weltkrieg bis 1924
No full textAccording to official records, after the First World War, 350,000 people either fled or moved to the territory of Hungary from the successor states. The actual number up to 1924 was probably around 400,000, or even as high as 420,000, taking into account the domestic affairs crisis in 1919, the initial disorder around registration and numerous illegal border crossings. The refugee problem was the major social ill of interwar Hungary and it resulted in massive political and economic consequences as well. The issue of citizenship also related closely to the refugee problem. Individuals who fled or moved to Hungary from the successor states needed to apply to keep their Hungarian citizenship in compliance with the Treaty of Trianon. Non-citizens dwelling in Hungary were likewise required to proactively apply for Hungarian citizenship. This was achievable for the claimants based on their municipal residences, however the acknowledgement and substantiation of inhabitancy was profoundly troublesome. The sparsely extant yet highly informative archival accounts that contain the personal data of optants—who were willing to keep or acquire Hungarian citizenship—are noteworthy sources of information on the Hungarian refugee problem between 1918 and 1924.According to official records, after the First World War, 350,000 people either fled or moved to the territory of Hungary from the successor states. The actual number up to 1924 was probably around 400,000, or even as high as 420,000, taking into account the domestic affairs crisis in 1919, the initial disorder around registration and numerous illegal border crossings. The refugee problem was the major social ill of interwar Hungary and it resulted in massive political and economic consequences as well. The issue of citizenship also related closely to the refugee problem. Individuals who fled or moved to Hungary from the successor states needed to apply to keep their Hungarian citizenship in compliance with the Treaty of Trianon. Non-citizens dwelling in Hungary were likewise required to proactively apply for Hungarian citizenship. This was achievable for the claimants based on their municipal residences, however the acknowledgement and substantiation of inhabitancy was profoundly troublesome. The sparsely extant yet highly informative archival accounts that contain the personal data of optants—who were willing to keep or acquire Hungarian citizenship—are noteworthy sources of information on the Hungarian refugee problem between 1918 and 1924
Sowjetische Heimatkunde (kraevedenie) und die Rückkehr der nationalen Erinnerung in Litauen 1956–1973
No full textThis contribution aims to demonstrate that and to what extent the Soviet kraevedenie strengthened the role of Lithuanian history during the late socialism (1956–1973). The Post-Stalinist memory politics encouraged the creation of local historical narratives within the context of people’s friendship and Soviet patriotism. This policy enabled a reemergence of pre-soviet Lithuanian history in the public discourses and culture that focused on medieval past and some more recent events. Established together with domestic tourism in the early 1960s, the kraevedenie institutions of Lithuanian SSR quickly turned into an essential platform for popularization of Soviet as well as national memory. This memory focus had to do with the omnipresence of history within the competences of the institution. This as well as the fact that the historical research of was performed using personal approach and continuing the krevedenie traditions of the interwar period enabled questioning of the history version of the communist party. These specific preconditions made possible to explore Lithuanian national past within the kraevedenie activities even though the main focus was devoted to the communist partisans or veterans of the World War II. It was the popularity of the “feudal” and “bourgeois” past of Lithuania that concerned the KGB the most as early as in the early 1960s. Some kraevedenie expeditions concentrated on objects of Lithuanian medieval past. A lot of interest—triggered by the former political prisoners was also paid more recent events such as the activism of the antiSoviet partisans, deportations and other repressions of the regime. Also Lithuanians living outside of the LSSR and certain important figures of Lithuanian national pantheon played a role.This contribution aims to demonstrate that and to what extent the Soviet kraevedenie strengthened the role of Lithuanian history during the late socialism (1956–1973). The Post-Stalinist memory politics encouraged the creation of local historical narratives within the context of people’s friendship and Soviet patriotism. This policy enabled a reemergence of pre-soviet Lithuanian history in the public discourses and culture that focused on medieval past and some more recent events. Established together with domestic tourism in the early 1960s, the kraevedenie institutions of Lithuanian SSR quickly turned into an essential platform for popularization of Soviet as well as national memory. This memory focus had to do with the omnipresence of history within the competences of the institution. This as well as the fact that the historical research of was performed using personal approach and continuing the krevedenie traditions of the interwar period enabled questioning of the history version of the communist party. These specific preconditions made possible to explore Lithuanian national past within the kraevedenie activities even though the main focus was devoted to the communist partisans or veterans of the World War II. It was the popularity of the “feudal” and “bourgeois” past of Lithuania that concerned the KGB the most as early as in the early 1960s. Some kraevedenie expeditions concentrated on objects of Lithuanian medieval past. A lot of interest—triggered by the former political prisoners was also paid more recent events such as the activism of the antiSoviet partisans, deportations and other repressions of the regime. Also Lithuanians living outside of the LSSR and certain important figures of Lithuanian national pantheon played a role
Die Historische Kommission für Pommern 1911–2011. Bilanz und Ausblick. Hrsg. von Nils Jörn und Haik Thomas Porada.
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