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Nationalismul civic romanesc – tensiunile dintre schitele teoretice si implicatiile practice
No full textStarting from the question regarding the nature of Romanian nationhood in relation with the ethnic-civic distinction present in the nation and nationalism literature, in my article I aim to discuss the way in which the Romanians see themselves in regard to the abovementioned typology. My approach is that, the Romanians will find it difficult to disregard their ethno-collectivist lenses in favor of a civic identity
Populismul periferic – cazul României dupã 2016
Get PDFRomania didn’t need an economic crisis for populism to take root. Unlike western European states, which only recently have been confronted with the populist phenomenon, in Romania populism has been present ever since the beginning of the post-communist period. The question which I will try to answer in this article is the following: how did the largest political party in Romania end up with a populist agenda? More generally, why do the peripheral areas of the global economy give birth to populism inside the political structures which already hold power, while in the central areas populism takes the form of outsider movements which challenge those who already have power? I will show that the populism of the Social Democratic Party in Romania is based on the tensions which arise between central and peripheral areas in the capitalist world economy, by identifying an elite both outside and inside the country, but which benefits from the support of the outside elite. I will talk about the “parallel state”, introduced in the public discourse by the PSD, and what role it holds in propagating a populist message
The Populist Revolt against Globalisation
Get PDFA tormented wave of anti-establishment populism is haunting Europe. Populist parties have managed to enter the political centre stage. This is partly the result of the breakthrough of former extremeright or far right parties to the ‘regular right’ part of the political spectrum and of the drift to the right in the European political discourse concerning issues of immigration, Islam and the concept of the multicultural society after nine-eleven. In Europe, populism not only comes from the right, but from the anti-liberal protectionist left wing as well. In this essay, it will be argued that in Europe the populist wave points to a deeper rooted crisis of trust and representation in the political and societal system at large
Populist wind and electoral behaviour. The case of the Italian constitutional referendum
Get PDFThe Italian referendum was followed closely everywhere in Europe (and elsewhere) and the fear of a potential Italian exit from Europe or the Eurozone was palpable. Yet, this scenario was and is unlikely. The fear of political instability of the government in case of a referendum rejection, and the potential risk for the stability of financial markets, which turned out to be highly overestimated, frightened the rest of the world much more than Italy itself.When it became known that the result of the polls was in favor of NO, national and international media began to speak of populist result. The arguments of this paper attempt to provide an analytical framework slightly more complex than this simplistic definition while recognizing that the so-called populist component has played a significant role
Media si spatiul electoral dupa alegerile prezidentiale din 2014. Noul „must media” din spatiul public romanesc
Get PDFThe presidential campaign in 2014 had emphasised the bigger influence of the social-media in Romanian political communication. In the same time, we are experiencing a growing integration of different types of agenda (media, public and politicians) – in the electoral campaigns, and also in the public sphere. Into a permanent changing media environment (we never have had a stability period in the last 25 years), following the interaction between these agandas can become a good tool for public communication strategies. This analysis presents information regarding the different types of media users (TV, online, newspapers), and how the use of media can influence the political options in Romania
Intre etnic si civic – o analiza a principalei tipologii a nationalismului
No full textriginated in the works of German historian Frederick Meineke and made popular by the work of Hans Kohn in the second half of the 20th Century, the distinction between civic and ethnic nationalism is undoubtedly dominant within the nations and nationalisms field of study, being used in a vast array of theoretical approaches, from modernism (Ernest Gellner) to ethno-symbolism (Anthony Smith). Nevertheless, its analytical substance and its explicative power are rarely questioned, usually being taken as axiomatic.In this article I am attempting a critical exploration of the civic/ethnic model, by particularly focusing on its normative dimension and on the constitutive dynamics between modernity and nationalism. Therefore, I am planning to answer the following questions: what are the main characteristics of thecivic-ethnic distinction? Is it an useful operational model or just a normative one, based primarily on ideological expectations? What is its relevance for the study of nations and nationalisms in the Eastern European Periphery
Critica asupra modelarii economice si progresul stiintific
Get PDFIn this paper I intend to bring some academic focus on the main criticisms of the methodology used by public choice theory. The purpose of this is aimed at discovering if the the current methodological trend may be considered desirable from the point of view of scientific progress, or on the contrary, there are incentives for the production of scientific papers (that use these strongly criticized methods) only for the academic advancement of the authors. In this case, we might see beyond mere criticism of a methodology that may seem inappropriate at first sight, in the verge of a more serious problem: the "easy-to-use" methodology that may slow the scientific progress, or even cause some sort of stagnation for the scientific program in question.The first part of the paper will briefly introduce the main method of research (construction of mathematical models) used in public choice theory. This introduction will set the framework for discussion that later will relate with the issue of simplifying assumptions, the main reason why this research program is criticized, and many more. Following that, I will search for possible answers and arguments that defend this methodod.Near the end of the paper I will try to show another side of public choice theory, flaws that a methodfocused type of research can have - the possible stagnation of the research field. If this might be the case of Public Choice theory, then maybe we should focus on criticizing the inability to produce knowledge than search for pseudo-flaws in the methodology used
The Resurrection of the Radical Political Movements
Get PDFIn the last decade the radical political movements became a important threat to European democracies in the conditions of decline on popularity of main political ideological parties all across the Europe. Especially nationalist radical movements seems to became more popular between the citizens after they took from the populist parties the Euroskeptical message and the radical message against minorities or immigrants. The extremist message of those parties or radical movements it's pretty much the same even they are located in different counties or cultures. The radical message of Golden Dawn in Greece - an Christian Orthodox culture - is similar with the Magyar Hajnal (Hungarian Dawns) in Hungary - a Catholic and Protestant culture - or Progress Party from Norway - a more secular culture than religious based.Our paper is focused on the origins of those parties in Europe and their radical message against immigrants or social/ethnic minorities. We argue that such parties succeed over the long term only when they both 1) build on pre-existing nationalist organizations and networks and 2) face a permissive rather than repressive political environment. Those parties develop themsleves on the fertile ground of far right wing populism and assume a very narrow to the fascist discourse of the beginings of the XXth century in order to contest the economical and democratic order. By adding factors such as historical legacies, party organization, and interactions between mainstream parties and far right challengers to the study of radical right parties, we can better understand their divergent trajectories
Law Flexibilization and Changes in Romanian Capitalism
Get PDFIn the this paper I will analyze the 2011 flexibilization of labor law and trade union law/social dialogue law in Romania. The theoretical framework used is the varieties of capitalism approach related to flexibilization. The analysis will focus on 5 types of flexibilization: I. numerical flexibility; II. salary flexibility; III. organizational flexibility; IV. labor time flexibility (Cato & Stoller, 2004, 34; Atkinson, 1984; Barbieri, 2009, 621) and V. social dialogue flexibilization. The documents I will compare are a) The Labor Law from 2003 and The Labor Law from 2011 and b) The Collective Bargaining Law from 1996, changed into The Social Dialogue Law in 2011. For comparing the labor laws from 2003 and 2011 I analyze the same articles corresponding with every flexibilization type and identify if there existed any changes. For the second pair of laws (the collective bargaining law and the social dialogue law) I mostly analyze the articles related with collective bargaining and the role of social dialogue institutions. The main idea is to identify if there were any changes in the model of market economy after the flexibilization of the labor law and trade union/ social dialogue law
Reproducerea identitatii nationale si nationalism în grupurile ultras – un studiu de caz
Get PDFCan sport contribute to the reproduction of national identity? Starting from Hobsbawm and going on through some scholars, we can find out about the role sport plays in the reproduction of national identity. Sporting nationalism is a topic that has risen a lot of interest. Yet, there are some areas that are still largely unexplored, particularly in Romania. One of these is: „can football lead to the grassroots reproduction of national identity?” This is a question I intend to answer in the following article. Furthermore, I will try to explore the way the ultras identity is related to the national identity in one case, the case of the supporters of Dinamo Bucharest. So, by answering the following questions, I will try to argue that the ulras movement can be seen as a form of grassroots nationalist phenomenon: how is identity and national identity reproduced? What does it mean to have a ultras identity? How does a „bottom-up” model of national identity reproduction work