Perspective Politice
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lslanda intre euroscepticism si integrare fortata
The pre-crisis Iceland would have never accepted to join the EU. Belonging to EFTA, EU single market (by the means of EEA) and Schengen Area had sufficed the Icelandic nation poised to keep their 60 year + sovereignty. But the financial crisis melted not only the Icelandic risky banking industry, but affected also the resilience and international status of the island. Joining only the Euroland is not a feasible option, but acquiescing on the other hand to the whole Union could force the Icelandic nation into bandwagoning alongside great powers. In the end, the accession is to be decided by referendum, but the lcesave resolution with the United Kingdom and the Netherlands stands to be the Gordian knot of the whole affair. On the part of the EU as a block of a superior integration formula, the main bereft of a successful Icelandic Integration could be the decisive weakening of EFTA and the implicit persuasion of the remaining Norway and Switzerland to relinquish Euroscepticism and join
Populist conservatism or conservative populism? The Republican Party, the new Conservative Revolution and the political education of Donald Trump
Problematica secesionismului în UE: Cazul Cataloniei dupa 2017
Secessionism is one of the important challenges in many contemporary societies. Sovereignty, International and domestic law, and human rights are only three concepts that could be affected by the emergence of secessionist dynamics. This article investigates the evolution of Catalan secessionist movement after the 2017 independence referendum. It uses process tracing to analyze the events that coincide with the evolution of the Catalan secessionist movement. The main findings reveal that while the EU does not encourage these kinds of movements, it does not agree with the solutions adopted by the Spanish’s Central Government to solve the Catalan situation, and condemns the violation of human rights. Also, the Catalan independence movement can stimulate similar dynamics across other countries, which are not favourable to the EU cohesion
The workers’ movement in Bukovina (1896–1927): A brief contribution to recent Romanian historiography
During the past 30 years, Romanian historians have paid limited attention to the rich history of social-democracy in Romania, despite the opportunities offered to them by the fall of the communist regime. To be sure, the post-revolutionary period has yielded a good deal of published material concerning social-democracy, or more broadly, the history of the left in Romania – monographs, memoirs, various collections of documents, scholarly work, some of the latter very good. All things considered, research has yet to explore certain avenues of inquiry. There are still unaddressed questions in this field of study
Contradictii intre teoria dreptatii a lui J. Rawls si critica marxista
In this paper I discuss the Marxist critique to the theory of justice of John Rawls. The starting point of this criticism is the rawlsian innovative concept -,, the difference principle', which justifies inequalities in marxist vision of society. With reference to Miller's critique, t wit! try to highlight Its structure, argumentative line, coherence and inaccuracies. The question is whether Marxist criticism can be opposed to the founding pillars of Rawls' theory of justice
Definitii ale normativitatii
A parallel between the rawlsian definition of “justice as fairness”, which reined the current meaning of normativity, and the Marxist prospect about justice - seen as a deterministic law of history. An assessment of the role of institutions from two philosophical views, in conjunction with the ideological steps of overlapping the rawlsian discourse about social justice with the alleged marxism roots of social compassion
Individualism normativ si morala in institutiile politice
Trying to integrate the morals into institutional structures seems a good concern in itself. Often, people ask what the values in the society are or which values should be institutionalized and promoted at the institutional level. Each of us take part in discussions about what kind of morals and values should be included or promoted in the Romanian post-communist society, especially in the context of a "moral crisis of the political system". Discussion is important forasmuch the institutions underpin any integrated society. They influence individual behaviors and exert the social control. They require specific and persistent patterns of organization and development of interaction between individuals and social groups. The institutions are designed to satisfy the strategic needs and values, so they are crucial for the survival of society. In the political case, their role is to strengthen political stability and democratic order, including the contribution to internalize the democratic approach in society. Thus, the question of beginning this exercise is this: There can be justified a connection between the moral and the political- institutional order in a democratic system? If yes, what is the nature of this relationship? To analyze this issue of concern, I'll show the meaning and conditions of the democratic institutionalization in the light of a contractualist framework. The analysis is completed by the normative individualism principle. Thus, I examine the effects of political institutions at both the social and the individual actors’ level
Climate change policy in Europe and US: the role of corporate social responsibility
We discuss the natural and societal challenges and drivers in the energy and climate debate and compare the role of Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) in the US and Europe as an example of soft law. Dramatic CO2 emission reductions are necessary (~95%), but there is no hard law in sight to provide the needed legal framework for such reductions. Surprisingly CSR has begun to play a role in changing both the US and the European energy policies and could become the key future driver. However, on its own CSR is unlikely to achieve the needed scale of reductions
Institutii inclusive si extractive în spatiul românesc medieval
In this article I aim to do a analysis of the institutions of the feudal Romanian principalities using the framework of inclusive and extractive institutions laid down by Acemoglu, Robinson and Johnson, which I have supplemented with a third type of institutions – non-inclusive ones. I argue that Romanian feudalism was rather similar to the one employed in the western European realms, unlike the current scientific and historical consensus and that the prevalence and consolidation of several extractive institutions, both internal and external has led to continued stagnation, political and economic, of the Romanian medieval territories