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A feminist perspective on the Romanian Governmental Strategy for Roma Inclusion
Full text linkIn this paper investigate how the gender dimension is configured in existing public policies regarding the Roma minority. For this purpose, l analyze from a feminist perspective The Strategy of the Romanian Government for the Inclusion of the Romanian Citizens Belonging to the Roma Minority for the period 2012-2020. The main question of the present paper is: How can Romanian and European policies increase the social inclusion of Roma women and improve their socio-economic status? In the first part of the paper I argue why 'gender matters' and why public policies have an important impact on the status of men and women. Next, I draw attention to the fact that gender awareness has appeared in Romanian policies primarily because of pressure from European institutions. Therefore, feminist speech and the values of gender equality have not yet been internalized by Romanian policy makers. The Government's Strategy reflects how state institutions value men and women differently inside Roma communities and how power is unequally distributed between the two genders. For the purpose of this paper, l examine whether the interests of Roma women in Romania are represented in each one of the Strategy's directions for action: education, employment, health, housing, culture and social infrastructure. This analysis sheds tight on the inability of the Romanian state to account for gender issues, particularly ones faced by Roma women
Deliberarea morala practica. Pluralism si democratie deliberativa
No full textFor philosophers like Plato, Kant, Hegel, and Marx, theoretical systems were compelling tools for devising moral principles. Yet, are the philosophical structures still to be considered when difficult practical moral decisions are at stake? Bernard Williams and Martha Nussbaum have both proposed another strategy, that somehow revives the Aristotelian moral practical deliberation: in difficult or tragic circumstances, the moral decision should not omit a complex and realistic evaluation of events. Moreover, "right" passions are entitled to take part in the moral practical decision. This article argues first, that practical deliberation proves to be, especially in difficult circumstance, more desirable and more likely to bring about 'just' outcomes than a rationalistic procedure. Secondly, it argues that public deliberation is a more appropriate tool for deliberative democracy than a rationalistic, deductive procedure of decision making. Third, it shows the difficulties of public deliberation in the complex, pluralistic context of modern democracies. Yet, it still defends a democratic model that could be accounted for by public deliberation
Mai exista un neoconservatorism american?
No full textThe debates concerning American foreign and security policy after the 9/11 terrorist attack has brought into discussion the American neoconservatism as the ideology that had a major impact when crafting the Bush Doctrine. Back in 1995 and afterwards in 1996 the key figure of American neoconservatism, Irving Kristol and Norman Podhoretz, launched the thesis of the death of American neoconservatism. The article is concerned with Kristol` and Podhoretz` disputed statements and aims to reject their thesis concerning the death of American neoconservatism
Gramsci si Foucault – O Intersectie Teoretica
Full text linkIn this article, I will try to open a new discussion on the intersection between Gramsci and Foucault. First of all I will try to identify if these two authors could be used together in order to analyze the power relations in a society, by discussing some of the most important contributions on this subject. I will identify the points of intersection and the points of tension between the two authors, in order to find the best way to combine the theories of hegemony and governmentality. The main goal of the article is to find if the two theories can be compatible and how they could work together in order to obtain a better understanding of the power relations. Gramsci could offer a better tool to analyze the institutional context, the role of the social classes and the way in which the interest of the classes are build. By using the concept of governmentality one can analyze the way in which the techniques of power are working and which rationalities contribute to the change of human behavior
Institutii si decizii politice
No full textSocial sciences reached maturity at the beginning of the 20th century, by the almost exclusive study institutions. In the political science. the main concern was on the government structures. Everything changed starting with the t95os with the so-called behaviorist revolution. For behaviorists, institutions were uninteresting compared with the political stakeholder’s' behavior. The old institutionalism considered that institutions were an invariable datum, white behaviorists considered institutions to be so malleable and plastic that they did not deserve the least of attention. Later on. at the beginning of the ag8os, institutions started being rediscovered. The idea that institutions were important but they had been neglected and, especially, that it was the time to be brought back in the study of politics (March si Olsen 1989) can be translated by a kind of rebellion against behaviorism. Neoinstitutionalists insist on the fact that political behavior is fundamentally determined by the nature of political institutions, the manner in which they are built and how much power it was distributed between them. The main argument of neoinstitutionatism is that institutions matter. March and Olsen provide the classical distinction between the logic of consequentiality and the logic of appropriateness. In the logics of consequentiality, the only obligation accepted by individuals is the one created by consent or following a contract based on a calculated advantage while, in the logics of appropriateness, considered by the two authors as the fundamental logics in the political institutions, individuals act according to rules and practices which are socially built, accepted. anticipated and known by everyone
Omul post-metafizic si ideologia
No full textWhat is the nature of the relationship between metaphysics and ideology? Providing a mon or less specific answer to this question constituted my main concern along this study. More to the point, what I have tried to prove would be that we can speak of the existence of a biunivocal relationship between these two fields, namely one of filiative nature from the side metaphysics towards ideotogy and one of a pseudo-therapeutic nature vice versa. More precisely, first I have attempted to show that and how ideology became possible only against the backdrop of some mayor conceptual transformations of the metaphysical discourse with aspect to the nature of the relationship between consciousness and reality, second, I have discussed the manner and measure in which ideology could constitute a solution to the ever acuter crisis of metaphysics, nihilism. I have found the results of this undertaking, especially with respect to the last aspect, quite puzzling
Leviathan or Democracy? The Case of Post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina
Full text linkVery often it is taken for granted that rapid political and economic liberalization reforms make transitional or post-convict countries stable and fully functional. However, such strategy proved insufficient and shallow since large number of post-convict societies has continuously faced serious political, legal and economic problems over a long period of time. Probably, the ideal example would be the post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina where free and fair elections are herd regularly but it is hard to argue that democracy has flourished in the country. Therefore, in this work my central standpoint is that in the absence of stable and efficient state institutions it is very difficult or almost impossible to implement successful political and economic liberalization reforms in the post-war countries such as Bosnia. To support my argument shave provided three cases or examples where speedy democratization proved wrong strategy in order to bring political stability and economic growth. Also, I have given two 'technocratic' examples which have made deep contributions in terms of building robust and elective state institutions rather then putting emphasis on rapid democratization
How about "them" - A Roma Museum in the making?
Full text linkThe article builds an argument for the necessity of the representation of Roma prelesional heritage (art crafts) in the Romanian museum discourse and sets forth to analyze the potential contribution of such an evolution in the sustainable economic growth of the Roma communities
Problema timpului in politicile afirmative educationale pentru romi
Full text linkIn this article l analyze three key moments (1992, 1998, 2001) in affirmative action policy of distinct seats for Roma in universities starting from three classical arguments for affirmative action: compensation, equal opportunities and diversity and their temporal orientation. Compensation argument it's a backward-looking strategy, equal opportunities and diversity arguments are forward-looking strategies. I conclude that most used arguments for affirmative action for Roma seats at the universities are equal opportunities and diversity argument both being future-oriented
Actori-cheie in stabilirea agendei; de la conflict politic la monopol institutional
No full textThis article analyses the agenda setting process as a realm of political conflict between actors seeking to satisfy their preferences. Besides the political struggle, agenda setting is also influenced by: technical expertise, policy transfers and veto powers. The main paint of the paper is to discuss the issue of disproportionate influence capacity that characterizes the interest group environment. Unequal power affects the distribution and definition of agenda items keeping some issues low on the priorities list. Beside the inequality, the agenda setting is also influenced by the veto players and monopoly decision makers. The monopoly upon agenda setting process makes policy implementation very difficult strengthening citizens resistance to policy change