Perspective Politice
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Les politiques familiales: definitions et enjeux epistemologiques dans la litterature de specialite
Full text linkThe contemporary transformations of the family and private life are accompanied by a diversification of public measures on the family life. The family policies become understandable and transparent at all levels. But what do they actually mean? This article intends to present the main attempts to define and detail the object of the policies on the family issue in the literature. The analysis of the most recent theoretical observation angles in the comparative writings on the social protection national systems prove to be very useful for the understanding of the current European stakes in this field
Banii exista doar dacã vorbim despre ei. Consideratii asupra teoriei banilor la Searle
Full text linkJohn Searle’s approach to institutions makes reference to the nature of words we use in order to describe them. According to Searle, a full grasp of the terms used in sentences such as the declaration ”this is money!” is both impossible and functionally unnecessary. This essay is a condensed version of the relevant aspects in which Searle considers institutions and intentionality, together with some critical standpoints and observations, mainly concerning the impact of the non-linguistically formulated background upon linguistically-formulated speech acts. The first part of the essay concerns Searle’s 7-tier division of facts, and various related concepts, from subjectivity to teleology. The second part focuses on institutional reality, as Searle sees it, and also regarding the views of several of his critics, most notably Barry Smith. It also reviews his more recent articles specific to the institution of money. The third part concerns key notions, such as intentionality, background and language, in an attempt to unravel more of how Searle views the interaction of human mind and behavior as it relates to the aforementioned instititions, since it is not a matter of assimilation, but of coping and relating to what Searle calls ”desire-independent” reasons for actions
Proprietatea intelectuala in spatiul digital
Full text linkMy article analyses in terms of Rational Choice Theory and intellectual property the current situation of musical works in the digital space. The article begins gradually form Garrett Hardin's thesis regarding the tragedy of the commons, applied in the prisoner's dilemma case and also concepts of collective action provided by Mancur Olson. Its center point relays on the main features of Elinor Ostrom theory. The hypothesis my article starts with is that the digital space has changed the traditional economy to a network economy where users can infinitely multiply the resources, leading to a tragic situation of digital music and other arts, sustained by the unrealistic Copyright Laws in Romania. The actual legislation is limited and cannot place the used and producers in a superior Pareto point according to the new cultural demanding. Using Elinor Ostrom's institutional analysis and development framework, I have tried to find a solution to this problem. Furthermore, I have tried to reveal the limited character of Law no. 8/1996 - published in the Official Gazette, with the no. 6o/26.03.1996 and modified through the Law no. 285/23.06.2004 and the laws in 2005 and 2010 - by showing that these laws do not meet the new cultural requirements and technological changes that led to the migration of artworks from physical space into the digital space
Neoinstitutionalism si schimbare institutionala
Full text linkIn this article I try to clarify the concept of institutional change, a concept that was not seen as a problem in political science even after the behavioral revolution has reached more dynamic topics such as modernization, transformation and development. What explain the process of change or what set it in motion, if most of the people usually accept the status quo as given and as unchangeable? It is a commonplace to argue that political institutions are a source of inertia and resistance to change. And all neoinstitutionalist approaches have a hard time explaining institutional change. Political institutions are seen as stable and to modify them it is considered that some effort is required. Initial arguments assumed alternation of stable institutions and dramatic change, in which the trajectory of the change up to a point is affecting the subsequent path. The concept of institutional entrepreneurs is a concept that reintroduced powers interests and individual action in institutional analysis. According to theory the initiators of the reforms were often political elites but, sometimes, it is considered that “ordinary people” can shape institutional development or cause institutional change. It is a challenge to understand the shifting mix of deliberate design and adaptive behavior
Contributia doctrinei Bisericii in elaborarea regulilor elective, mecanisme decizionale si regula majoritatii
No full textThe current study meangles in a more exhaustive attempt to deliniate a general theory to the rule of majority. In the endevour of deliniating a genealogy of majority, the most adapted strategy would be to define when and how a simple numerical rule will become a principle and then turn into a doctrine. So, the historical analysis of some decisional processes in different eras is essential for such a purpose. Throughout the most relevant experience it is essential to take into consideration the studying of the decisional process in the elaboration of elective principle in the Church. In this sense, the objective of such work is the reconstruction of the Church doctrinal contribute to the evolution of majority principle. For this purpose, it will be under thorrow analysis the decisional and electing process in the inside of religious christian institutions and the relative contributes of canonist doctrine
A critical review of resilience in international relations
Full text linkIn the context of evolving challenges, EU member states are faced with vulnerabilities for which they are not prepared such as economic crises, populism, fake news, disinformation campaigns and pandemics, therefore the EU underlines the importance of resilience in countering these threats and achieving its foreign policy objectives. Although used in different areas such as psychology, economy, industry, in International Relations resilience was defined in different terms by various institutions, but the common ground resides in acknowledging resilience as the recovery and adaptation after an adversity such as an economic crisis or natural disaster. Moreover, resilience can be strengthened by preparing the population for better coping with future disasters and crises.
Given the differences in understanding resilience between different international organizations, as NATO that approaches the term as the resilience of infrastructures, or the EU that refers mainly to the resilience of partner states but targets to strengthen EU’s resilience for its global ambitions and the lackof readiness in our region, there is the need to foster research on this subject and to operationalise the concept. For the EU, Resilience is the central objective of its development & humanitarian assistance but it is also the response for how to sustain progress in the transformational agenda of the EU, althoughthe EU admits there are not indicators of resilience and nor it specifies how this will be undergone.
I attempt to approach the concept from an academic perspective, reviewing the literature on resilience and arguing that the study of political culture named The Civic Culture (1963) written by Gabriel Almond and Sydney Verba offers relevant insights on the study of resilience. Starting from the surveys they conducted in the United States, Britain, Italy, West Germany and Mexico, they aimed to establish in which type of political culture a liberal democracy is most probably to appear and develop and I consider that their indicators are also useful when studying resilience. I will create a working definition and present themain critiques towards the concept, to which I add the one that came into my mind after the Coronavirus pandemic started: is the state after an adversity the same as it was before or not? After a disaster there is only one way through the previous normality or there can also be a new balance? I could exemplify with the Coronavirus pandemic- if individual liberties are limited or social cohesion is broken the new situation is still resilient/normal?
In this context, the research question is which type of political culture reflects a resilient society. The purpose of the study is to operationalise the concept of resilience based on the set of indicators derived from Almond and Verba. The objectives of the research are to provide a critical literature review on resilience in International Relations; to operationalize the concept, establishing the dimensions, and indicators. The challenges of this research are related to the fact that there are significant differences among the definitions offered by the existing literature and the use of the concept by different international organisations such as NATO and the EU. The main sources would be the literature on political culture, resilience and official documents such as EU Grand Strategy, the 2012 EU Communication on Resilience, the 2013 Resilience Action Plan, the 2015 Resilience Marker and Compendium, the 2017 Joint Communication of the EP and the Council “A Strategic Approach to Resilience in the EU’s External Action”
The Party, the Great Redeemer: an existential-political commentary on Orwell’s 1984
Full text linkGiven its multifaceted relevance, Orwell’s 1984 has enjoyed a plethora of theoretical and artistic interpretations. However, I have not come across any such interpretation concerned with the ontological temporality of the novel, i.e. not its narrative development, but its use of temporality as the basic horizon of self-awareness, both existentially and politically. Considering this to be a key feature of both Orwell’s novel and totalitarian systems in general, I have taken upon myself the task of loosely exploring such an approach. As it will become apparent, I rely strongly on Heidegger’s account of existential and historical time (especially his concept of Being—towards-death). Basically, I will try to provide an existential account of totalitarianism as the resulting systemic product of the flight from the Beingtowards-death in particular, respectively an attempt at subduing temporality, in general. In addition, I will make, when deemed necessary, several contextual references to other thinkers such as Foucault, Nietzsche, Freud, Plato and Gadamer
Book Review: The Lessons of Tragedy: Statecraft and World Order, by Hal Brands and Charles Edel, Yale University Press. New Haven – London, 2019
Full text linkBody meets class. An inquiry into the political economy of sex work
No full textA lot of questions surround the sex work industry, from political to economic to social ones. While, generally speaking, the literature has been critically focused on one of these areas, there is a lack of a clear basis for a more definite understanding of the situation of the labourers. My purpose will be to build a Marxist framework of analysis that can illuminate a few crucial questions. I use the methodology of Analytical Marxism, while aspects of work relations are of feminist origin. After a brief introduction, in the first part I look at what sex work is, from a value perspective, offering an alternative refutation to some widely known feminist arguments in this area. In the second part, I look what the elements that come into play in sex work can tell us about how the labor is carried out, explaining why their is a need for conceptualizing the output as intimacy. After this overview, I categorize the workers as proletarians, for several reasons. The third part deals with the prospect of unionization in the field of emotional work. Necessarily, I will argue that sex work is intrinsically affective, in order to bring forward a recommendation for the process of representation. The final part contains a conclusion and some guiding ideas for both feminist and socialist political struggles
