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The Continuity of the Romanian Populism: The Legionary Movement as a Connection Between Fortyeighters and National-Communism*
The present paper is a stage in the wider process of analyzing the evolution of Romanian populism in the last century and a half. Although the semantic content of populism is a very broad one, the present observing a constant dynamic of the concept, I will show in this article that there is continuity in the Romanian space of the ethnic and national idea from mid 19th century to 1989, different instrumentalised on 4 major areas of thought: fortyeighters, junimists, legionaries and the Ceausescu era. Moreover, I believe that this continuity comes to strengthen a morphological conflict of the period of updatingand modernizing the Romanian society: In the last 150 years of Romania’s history, there is an antithesis showing the almost constant instrumentalisation of a right-wing populist-conservatory rhetoric by the political elite in order to achieve the popular support of the left-wing development-progressive projects. Aswe cannot talk about populism, with all its avatars, earlier than the 19th century, in the absence of the psycho-sociological and identity content of the term nation and the modern doctrinal axes that appeared after the French Revolution, we selected only a few theoretical landmarks from the category of definitions.The main emphasis is on the national idea and its continuity, because, as I show from the title, this ideological ferment brought together extremely contradictory phenomena: from the liberal and democratizing Fortyeighters romanticism, we reach the critical and conservative junimists, reactive to the romantic populism of the Fortyeighterss, then to the fascist extreme right, in order to jump to the opposite pole of Nicolae Ceauºescu’s almost Stalinist extreme left. In all this journey that the national idea goes through, in crescendo, I will put in the center of the analysis the Legionary Movement, in order to prove that it processed an existing land, transforming it into an extremely fertile one for Nicolae Ceauºescu. Moreover, I believe that we have a substantial intensification, over time, of the instrumentalization of this national idea, depending on the political needs of the authors and their capacity to exercise power
Terorismul religios, o „noua violenta arhaica”?
The concept of security evolved and diversified in accordance with the mutations suffered by the international environment in order to respond to an imperative necessity to adapt to new risks and threats. The classic realist vision on security is no longer sufficient to explain the new terrorism phenomenon, here conceptualized through the analysis of the „new archaic violence”, and therefore no longer capable to offer solutions. Becoming able to understand what pushes the individuals to commit terrorist acts must be a priority for all the entities engaged in fighting this plague. The postructuralist authors strive to discover an alternative path and explain what escaped the realist understanding which rejects any possible rationality of the religious way of thinking. The study of the „new archaic violence” creates the necessary premises for a new and better adapted security strategy
Distributia mandatelor la alegerile parlamentare din noiembrie 2008
The new electoral system used in parliamentary election in Romania in 2008 raised some questions about the allocation of mandates to candidates placed on 2nd, 3rd and even 4th place in their constituency. In my article I show what was the scale of this phenomenon and I argue that it is both a problem of categorizing the electoral system as well as a problem o apparently breaching one of Arrow’s condition: the independence of irrelevant alternatives. Finally, I explore in more detail one of the “irrelevant alternatives”, the size of the uninominal constituency
Aspecte si variante ale sistemului de vot in Consiliul Uniunii Europene
The article compares the three variants of vote systems for the Council of the European Union: qualified majority, double majority and the "square root" vote system, proposed by Poland. Actually, the paper analyses the conflict between Poland and the other states of the Europea Union concerning these three possibilities of vote system and how this conflict was illustrated by the European media. The article proposes to see which vote system is more suitable for the European Union and which are the political interests of the members in this problem and to underline the position of the states, the experts and the public opinion concerning this theme
Contradicting Political Dynamics: Democratic Backsliding in Hungary and the Role of the EU
Two years ago we started to investigate the ever-widening grey zone between liberal democracy and dictatorship, and applied the findings of the scholarship on hybrid regimes to the characteristics of the Orbán regime in Hungary.1 In this article we continue our analysis in the light of recent events: the 2019 national elections, the Sargentini Report in the European Parliament, the tension between center-right parties and Fidesz in the European People’s Party (EPP). When categorizing political systems, we cannot overlook their external embeddedness, and the extent to which outside forces influence the political system itself. Just as it is more difficult for an authoritarian regime to democratize if it is surrounded by other authoritarian regimes, it is also more difficult for a democracy to regress to dictatorship if that democracy is a member of an alliance of democratic states
Populism, nationalism, extremism: expressions of antipolitics in Europe?
The vast majority of the papers on populism describe this political phenomenon as one which is very dificult to explain and to analyze due to its discursive versatility and behavioural chameleonism. Furthermore, we would argue that the term populism covers more political and social realities than one single term would normatly concentrate from a semantic point of view. This is why many analysts of this phenomenon, such as Guy Hermet (2007) or Gianfranco Pasquino(2008) propose the use of the plural populisms instead of the singular populism, which would permit the formulation of a clearer definition of this ubiquitous phenomenon. On the other hand. in view of the new dynamics of populism in the period preceding the debut of the 2008 economic crisis, some authors (Mudde, 2004:541 Tourainie. 2007:38) have defined the phenomenon as a system of "post industrial" parties and thus, "post classical". Others (Taguieff. 2002; Knight, 1998; Viguera, 1993), trying to the give an interpretative unity to a process which is hard to classify, have defined populism as a certain style of making politics varying in discourse from one society to another, but similar through its intimate structures of behaviours and ideas
Principii, vulnerabilitate si interventie in implementarea politicilor sociale pentru romi
For the specialists in the field of community social assistance, this article provides a relevant anatysis for the implementation of social policy promoted at the centrol level. This relevance emerges from its integratory function, it attempts to integrate the practical in the broader context of social policy theory,thereby facilitating this stage of implementation. This article connects the studies in the field of social poticy focused on principles and types of vulnerabilities, correlated with the third stage of development in the practice of social assistance (the reactive transition stage). lts goal is to emphasize the potential risksof the rupture between the theory of Roma-oriented social policy and its implementation, with a focus on the practical approach. Another goal of the article is to advocate the need for speciatisation of the human resources involved in social policy impiementation, with a direct implication for the issue of practicaloutcomes in the educational process
Ratiuni pentru dezvoltarea resursei umane care provine din comunitatile de romi
The problems that the Roma are confronting are interdependent and require an integrated approach in the tong term. The most important of these problems affect foremost children (problems with schooling) and in the medium term young people (entry into the labor market). The lack of qualifications reads to their turning to "inferior" activities in terms of pay or social prestige. In this context, the social economy contributes to the development of the dialogue on combating poverty among Roma communities and sustainsthe development of the communities. It does so by involving all actors from the field (civil society, the Roma communities, govemmentat institutions) and by identifying interventions connected to social and economic inclusion of Roma communities. Thebarriers to maintaining such initiatives in the Romanian context are determined mainly by the tack of sustainable financial support, low entrepreneurial capacity, and weakly connected to the real needs of the community
What is Left from Democracy? Electoralism and Populism in Romania
What l shall present in my paper is the relation between the frequency of the electoral cycles as well as the redistribution policies, and the increase of populism. The density of the electoral cycles and the populist redistribution policies as bribes for the poor, but numerous electorates, has turned the electoral component of democrat in an end in itself. Politicians are focused on wining the elections, not in strategic governing and even less in consolidating democracy, even just a liberal one as it became before EU accession. The most popular enemy during the electoral campaign is corruption and because its form is “state capture”, the fight against it is just populist arid endless in terms of campaign and tends to be authoritarian in terms of government. With such threats we can see Romania and other new EU member states apparently as suicidal democracies due to the weak institutionalization of the democratic mechanisms. In the times of “democratic recession”. EU protectorate is keeping its member states within a safety net which is blocking the suicidal attitudes and tolerates its new (sometimes even old) members rather as jawed democracies
Constitutional cooperation and institutional efficiency
The general belief that institutions have a great impact on individuals is proven by the large number of analyses on the schemes regarding the separation and monitoring of state powers, of the rights and obligations of the citizens, of legally accepted doctrines. In fact, one of the main preoccupations of social sciences is the likelihood of survival of some institutions, from the point of view of their efficiency. Of course, the question: "Who has the right to evaluate the efficiency of institutions?" arises. Since their participating members are affected in various ways and invest resources in institutions, they must evaluate if their interests are adequately managed .When rational and free actors are in the position to make a choice, they will preps those woes which ensure an institutional cooperation balance. Rational and independent Individual can only make a Pareto optimal or superior choice, since they know they will be directly affected at the levels interim to the primary collective choice level, hereinafter referred to as constitutional choice. This paper examines the extent to which the rational choice scheme can be integrated in the constitutional organization of an institution as the starting point in the analysis of institutional efficiency