CNS Czasopisma Naukowe w Sieci
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Użyteczność publiczna jako sfera funkcjonowania przedsiębiorstw państwowych okresu PRL — kilka uwag w odniesieniu do ustawy z 25 września 1981 roku o przedsiębiorstwach państwowych
No full textThis article offers and analysis of state-owned enterprise as one of the basic entities of the planned economy of the Polish People’s Republic—a centralized, somewhat authoritarian economy, subordinated to the leading idea of the totalitarian state of the time, determined on economic grounds, among other things, by the need to implement top-down economic plans. The economic system based on dominant state ownership, not taking into account the issue of supply and demand on a rational basis, was thus subordinated to the political principles of its time—which entailed limited freedoms, including economic ones, with a negligible role of private property—implemented and carried out by the totalitarian state that was the Polish People’s Republic. Economic entities operating within this system—particularly the dominant state-owned enterprises—can be considered a very particular breed of entrepreneurs due to their ownership structure (by the state), role in the legal and economic structure of the totalitarian state of the time, and the scope of implementation of its tasks (based on top-down imposed economic plans). On the one hand, these enterprises could or were supposed to—at least formally—conduct their activities based on economic calculation, the principles of rational economy and a kind of self-financing. On the other hand, this activity was subordinated to the idea of top-down economic plans defined and imposed for implementation, both those of a global nature, i.e. national, and those of a smaller degree and scale of territorial scope, i.e. local plans. Hence, these entities, despite a certain formally defined (at least in the case of enterprises operating on general principles) rationality, operated in realities and conditions that limited their independence in terms of tasks, decision-making, economic and financial matters due to their functioning in an authoritarian political system and the economic system derived from it. The above restrictions concerned both state-owned enterprises operating on general principles and those that conducted their activities in the public utility sphere. This sphere, due to its characteristics, was not precisely defined by law, and it seems to indicate a certain lack of decision-making, implementation, and consequently economic independence of the then state-owned enterprises in conducting their activities in the public utility sphere. Non-independence, which seems a sine qua non characteristic of totalitarian state systems, also manifested in a certain dependence or interdependence—which occured both on formal and legal grounds and financially—of these enterprises from their founding bodies (usually local state administration bodies). The founding bodies of enterprises conducting activities in the public utility sphere, under the then statutory regulations, could influence both the scope of the tasks of these entities, their internal regulations, and their revenues
Tendencje i trendy autorytarne we współczesnej Europie. Polska i Węgry w obliczu kryzysu demokracji. Nowy autorytaryzm
No full textFor a long time, there has been a talk of a global democracy crisis, which simultaneously creates a longing for a strong and effective governing apparatus, an authority. Although these are global issues, they are visible in the countries of Central Europe as well. It begs the question: are such tendencies also emerging in Poland? Author addresses the issues of the broadly defined crisis (erosion) of democracy, which is also connected to the inability to properly manage social conflicts and the general inability to remedy a type of dysfunctionality of governments.
Another question concerns how to classify current political system of Hungary. Is it an authoritarian system in its pure form? Can a disappointment related to some flaws of democracy and a turn towards authority figures be considered a move towards authoritarianism? Are the lines between it and democracy clear, or are they blurry? Currently, it is emphasized that pure systems are not always the case, and hybrid regimes or systems are often distinguished.
The discussion focuses on the systemic changes that occurred in Hungary after 2010 and in Poland after 2015 (to 2023). The choice of these two case studies is particularly linked to the global discussion concerning the „doubtful” reforms and the gradual abandonment (to a greater or lesser extent) of the classic model of democracy. The study also focuses on the definition of historical and contemporary authoritarianism, its potential variants, and determining whether it truly poses a current threat to democracy (including the democracy in Poland). The observed trend of „Poland’s slow descent towards the authoritarian system” has been described, as well as its criticism presented by the representatives of branches of various sciences (and the political scene). Charismatic, high-profile politicians (authority figures) are admired for often embodying all manifestations of power, which is concentrated in one set of hands (beyond the aforementioned imposing) can generate abuses and distance systemic values from the values of democracy. Representatives of authoritarian governments typically have access to science, technology, human resources, and media– which serve as powerful tools for influencing the subjects under their control
Od Edyty Stein do Piusa XI. Między troską a konformizmem? Postawy wobec antysemityzmu u początków dyktatury nazistowskiej
No full textThis study aims to analyse attitudes and selected initiatives taken to combat anti-Semitism within the Catholic Church at the beginning of the Nazi dictatorship. It presents two perspectives on the issue. On one hand, it explores the views of Edith Stein, a German philosopher of Jewish origin, Holocaust victim, and patron saint of Europe. On the other hand, it examines the actions of Pius XI during his pontificate in defence of Jews. A key connection between these two figures, whose paths crossed in history, is the letter Edith Stein wrote to Pius XI, expressing concern for her people’s fate. This analysis shows that the common belief among historians about Pius XI’s conformist stance in addressing various forms and mechanisms of anti-Semitism is not entirely justified. It highlights that the Holy See’s cautious approach to anti-Jewish repression may have resulted from the unpredictable scale of atrocities, which escalated irreversibly with the outbreak of World War II
„Nowi” i „starzy” w Urzędzie Ochrony Państwa. Część II: ciągłość i zmiana kadr w świetle analizy ilościowej
No full textThe Office of State Protection (1990–2002), the first and, at the time, most significant intelligence service of the Third Polish Republic, remains a controversial institution among certain segments of the public. Arguably, the most important aspect of these controversies concerns continuity and change in terms of personnel. There is a widespread view that, after 1989, it was both justified and feasible to implement the so-called „zero option” within the Polish intelligence services or, at the very least, to intensify hiring efforts and expedite the removal of former Security Service officers from their ranks. In this article, which constitutes the second part of a two-part study, I conduct a quantitative analysis of the Office’s subsequent senior management reshuffles. I measure the significant staff turnover resulting from ongoing political disputes, analyse struggles related to the institution’s post-communist origins, and explain the factional divisions within the Office. I present the problems associated with the rapid, election-driven replacements of the service’s heads and directors, and indicate how the intensification of political rivalry has negatively impacted the stability of the service responsible for Poland’s internal and external security
Próba przejęcia kontroli nad systemem sądowniczym – węgierski model nieliberalnej demokracji
No full textAfter the 2010 elections, the new Prime Minister Viktor Orbán announced the creation of anew political system, which he described as illiberal democracy. Substantive reforms are based on populist ideology and aim to create anew legal order, affirming the dominance of asingle party, which, in his view, has the exclusive right to represent the Hungarian nation. All actions are aimed at maintaining influence and limiting the impact of actions outside political groups. In pursuit of its political agenda, the freedom of independent non-governmental organizations and the media was radically restricted, leading to their almost complete dependence on the government. The justice system was deemed particularly crucial to the success of the ongoing systemic transformation. To gain control over the third power, the courts were reorganized, their scope of operation was changed, and their close ties to the government were established, limiting the importance of judicial self-government and judicial independence. International institutions, primarily the European Union and the Council of Europe, stand in the way of complete control of the justice system. Successive government bills reforming the judiciary are passed by the Hungarian Parliament, often without respect for best practices in the legislative process, and then withdrawn under pressure from the EU, primarily financial. The Hungarian government’s strategy aims to prevent the restoration of democratic principles of the rule of law, because even in the face of losing power, the judiciary will be equipped with tools that could paralyze the functioning of another non-populist government
Autorytarna przedwojenna Litwa
No full textThe parliamentary-cabinet system of government installed in the Republic of Lithuania resulting from the Great War collapsed due to its own weaknesses in 1926. Antoni Smetona took over power and served as president until 1940, when Lithuania became part of the USSR. He became a dictator, aiming to consolidate ethnic statehood. He largely succeeded in this. In foreign policy, he was based on the dogma of pushing the limits of independence, while in internal relations he practiced moderate, conservatively tinged socialism. Such policies resulted in economic and cultural achievements that helped strengthen national identity. In 1940, the regime collapsed along with the state due to imperial pressure, but this does not invalidate its achievements
Ustawowy greenwashing, czyli o ograniczonej skuteczności ochrony środowiska za pomocą prawa prywatnego z perspektywy państwa autorytarnego i demokratycznego
No full textThis article aims at examining whether private law can effectively protect the environment. The research problem regards the incompatibility between private law’s individual-focused structure and its potential for protecting collective environmental interests. The hypothesis is that private law cannot effectively safeguard the environment due to the autonomy of civil subjects and voluntary nature of sanctions, irrespective of whether it makes part of a legal system in democratic or authoritarian state. Using comparative method, by considering the Chinese Civil Code, German BGB, and Polish Civil Code, the author evaluates how private law incorporates public environmental standards through private law provisions. As a conclusion the author suggests that ‘green’ private law reforms risk becoming mere legislative greenwashing. Since civil sanctions depend on private interests, enforcement probability drops to zero when environmental protection conflicts with individual interests, eliminating preventive effects. States should pursue substantive environmental policies rather than symbolic legislative changes
O polityzacji i depolityzacji terroryzmu w polskim prawie karnym
No full textThe study attempts to present the normative nature of a terrorist crime in the domestic criminal law system. It shows the genesis and evolution of this concept in subsequent penal codifications— from the Makarewicz Code, through the Penal Code of 1969, to the current codification of 1997. The motivational layer of terrorist attacks is analyzed. It is noted that such actions, historically and traditionally, have been associated with the pursuit of specific political goals. The article attempts to show how the legislator’s approach to the essence of terrorist actions has changed in the context of subsequent penal codifications in terms of motivation and how the path from politicization of this concept to making it a strictly criminal construction ran
Kobiety w Formule 1: Analiza medialnych narracji i inicjatyw wspierających różnorodność płciową w motorsporcie
No full textFormula 1, recognized as one of the most prestigious motorsports worldwide, has faced persistent challenges in achieving gender equality, with women remaining significantly underrepresented both on and off the track. This paper examines media narratives surrounding women in Formula 1 and their impact on the perception of women’s roles in motorsport. Special attention is given to initiatives which aim to enhance gender diversity and support young female drivers. Drawing on an analysis of press articles and fan comments, this study highlights both positive strides toward inclusivity and persistent structural barriers and stereotypes. The findings underscore the need for systemic changes and shifts in media narratives to effectively promote gender equality in motorsport.
Formuła 1, jeden z najbardziej prestiżowych sportów motorowych, od lat zmaga się z problemem nierówności płci. Kobiety nadal stanowią niewielki odsetek uczestników tego sportu, chociaż poza torem można zauważyć znaczny wzrost zainteresowania motorsportem ze strony kobiet. Artykuł analizuje narracje medialne dotyczące kobiet w Formule 1 oraz ich wpływ na postrzeganie roli kobiet w motorsporcie. Szczególną uwagę poświęcono inicjatywom, które mają na celu zwiększenie różnorodności płciowej i wspieranie młodych zawodniczek. W oparciu o analizę artykułów prasowych oraz komentarze wskazano zarówno pozytywne zmiany w kierunku inkluzywności, jak i utrzymujące się bariery strukturalne oraz stereotypy. Wnioski podkreślają konieczność dalszych działań systemowych i zmian narracyjnych w mediach, aby skutecznie promować równość płci w motorsporcie.
“The Fact I Seem Exotic to Him”: Companionship and the Foreign Other in Two Contemporary Children’s Books
No full textIn assessing representations of companionship with respect to the persona of the foreign other, my article will compare two contemporary British children’s books, Jamila Gavin’s Grandpa Chatterji’s Third Eye (2006) and Hilary Freeman’s The Boy From France (2013). Both novels explore the notion of companionship in relation to the arrival of a foreign other, in Gavin’s case, the eponymous Grandpa Chatterji from Calcutta, and in Freeman’s, a French student on an exchange visit to the UK. Both novels explore companionship in an interesting way. For the narrator in Grandpa Chatterji, his developing relationship with his granddad from India opens his eyes to his own background/culture and provides a poignant contrast from his own western experience. In Hilary Freeman’s book, companionship veers continually towards romance, although ultimately remains in the companion camp. Her novel assesses the importance of exposure to different people and different views (particularly those from a different national context), in helping her protagonist Vix, to make sense of her own life challenges and sense of self. My article will argue that both texts achieve key cultural work in the way they show the impact of the foreign companion on the lives of their protagonists. My close readings of the primary texts will be illuminated through discussions of Foucault and Edward Said. I will also use Sintobin and Means’ (2018) writings on Companionship and Travel to further elucidate my core literature.