CNS Czasopisma Naukowe w Sieci
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Fotografia dokumentalna w erze sztucznej inteligencji: równowaga między manipulacją a innowacją
No full textThe article examines how professionals from various creative fields — photographers, IT specialists, and writers — see the influence of artificial intelligence (AI). AI can be understood as technology that allows computers to perform tasks typically requiring human thinking, like recognising images or making decisions. The author focuses on how this technology affects the authenticity of documentary photography. The goal is to find out whether these new tools have changed the way people understand this traditional form of storytelling. The primary focus group of the interviews were professional photographers. Opinions from specialists from other fields, including IT and writers, were also gathered to improve the understanding of the subject tackled in the article. An extensive background in photography and media also provided a good basis for a more detailed and in-depth analysis of the current situation in the visual arts sphere. In addition, the latest research in the field of AI was also analysed to provide an even broader picture of the situation.
Artykuł stanowi analizę tego, jak profesjonaliści z różnych dziedzin twórczych – fotografowie, specjaliści IT i pisarze – postrzegają wpływ sztucznej inteligencji (AI). AI można rozumieć jako technologię, która pozwala komputerom wykonywać zadania wymagające zazwyczaj ludzkiego myślenia, takie jak rozpoznawanie obrazów lub podejmowanie decyzji. Skupiono się na tym, jak technologia ta wpływa na autentyczność fotografii dokumentalnej. Celem jest ustalenie, czy te nowe narzędzia zmieniły sposób, w jaki ludzie postrzegają tę tradycyjną formę opowiadania historii. Wywiady przeprowadzono przede wszystkim z profesjonalnymi fotografami, ale objęto nimi również specjalistów z innych dziedzin, w tym informatyków i pisarzy, aby móc zrozumieć temat i osiągnąć nasz cel. Bogate doświadczenie w dziedzinie fotografii i mediów stanowiło również dobrą podstawę do bardziej szczegółowej i dogłębnej analizy obecnej sytuacji w sferze sztuk wizualnych. Ponadto przeanalizowano najnowsze badania w dziedzinie sztucznej inteligencji, aby uzyskać jeszcze szerszy obraz sytuacji.
Procesy dyscyplinarne sędziów tak zwanych sekcji tajnych, część II
No full textThis paper is the second part of an article on two disciplinary proceedings conducted in 1957–1958 against four judges of the so-called secret sections: Merz, Czajkowski, Stępczyński, and Rubinow. The study offers a discussion of the two judgments of the Higher Disciplinary Court handed down in the case and the judgment of the Supreme Disciplinary Court following Rubinow’s appeal. The case concluded with either the dismissal or acquittal of the defendants on most of the charges. Rubinow was eventually found guilty, but only of one act, for which he received a symbolic punishment. In summarizing the course and outcome of the trial, the author draws attention to the reasons behind the verdict, which resulted in the discrediting of the disciplinary judiciary—despite the obvious judicial crimes committed in the secret section—and the parties that bear the blame for this state of affairs. While the involvement of judges in the activities of the secret section is now a matter of public record, until recently it had not been widely known which judges of the Supreme Court contributed to the impunity of the judicial criminals. It is noteworthy that four successive First Presidents of the Supreme Court (1945–1976) tolerated the activities of the secret section (Barcikowski), participated in its activities (Bafia), or helped to ensure the impunity of its participants (Wasilkowski, Resich)
Aplikacja mObywatel a zagrożenia dla wolności obywatelskich i praw człowieka
No full textThis article offers an analysis of the legislation regarding the state app mObywatel, its functionality and its general nature as a state ICT tool in the context of potential threats it could pose to civil liberties and human rights. Technological development can be used to increase state control over citizens. Therefore, there are concerns, as mentioned by Giovanni Sartori, that new IT tools will facilitate the formation of a truly totalitarian apparatus. Accordingly, the question arises whether the solutions used in the mObywatel app can contribute to limiting civil liberties and human rights, and consequently, whether they can be considered a step towards building a totalitarian state. This paper posits that the mechanisms applied in the Act on the mObywatel app are embedded within the liberal democratic legal order and that, therefore, there is no direct threat that these provisions will be used to foster the creation of a totalitarian system. The analysis of the legislation employs the methodology used in dogmatic research and—to a lesser extent—comparative studies drawing on certain legal solutions employed by the People’s Republic of China
Początki prawnej ochrony wód w okresie Polskiej Rzeczpospolitej Ludowej
No full textNowadays, there is no doubt that water is considered a good of humanity, which should be protected by law. The crisis of the natural environment in the system of relations between man and nature, related to its devastation, was largely caused by the policy of the authorities during the Polish People’s Republic. In the Polish People’s Republic, the first legal acts aimed at protecting water resources were passed in 1949. Water was perceived in them solely as an element of a larger ecosystem, of which it was apart, and only for this reason was it subject to protection. In the opinion of the legislator, as a separate ecosystem, a separate part of nature, it did not deserve increased protection. Legislative activity in this area was insufficient. Only the period of the thaw allowed for the commencement of a discourse on environmental issues, including those concerning the state of water. At that time, acts were passed aimed at protecting water, perceived as an element of the natural environment, which should be provided with individual protection
Powstanie i organizacja Instytutu Badań Spraw Narodowościowych (1921–1939)
No full textIn December 1921, the Institute for the Study of National Affairs commenced its activities, specialising in the research on national minorities in Poland and Polish minorities in the border regions. The Institute was established on the initiative of individuals associated with the scientific and political spheres of the period. From 1924 to 1925, the Institute’s activities were suspended. In 1926, the Institute resumed its work as an association. Members of the Institute were classified as actual and ordinary members. The Institute was overseen by a Board, beneath which operated the Office of the Institute. Its work was organised through sections and committees. The organisation of the Institute was very modern for its time. Although it employed a small number of people, their great commitment, efficient organisation of work, and impressive number of permanent and temporary collaborators enabled it to accomplish a vast amount of scientific and documentary work
Systemy gospodarcze reżimów autorytarnych
No full textThis paper delves into the intricate issue of economic systems in authoritarian regimes, aiming to elucidate the multifaceted relationship between autocratic governance and economic development. To achieve this goal, a critical literature analysis and case study approach were employed, focusing on three countries: China, Russia, and Singapore. Methodologically, the study adopts an analytical and comparative approach, selecting diverse authoritarian regimes to discern commonalities and differences in their economic systems. The study acknowledges that authoritarianism significantly shapes economic policy, resource allocation, and developmental trajectories in a given country. Authoritarian regimes, characterized by centralized power and limited political pluralism, exert a substantial influence on the country’s economy. The analysis results indicate that economic systems in authoritarian regimes are not homogeneous but depend on specific characteristics and strategies of the ruling regime. Political decisions play a crucial role in shaping the economies of authoritarian states. Concentration of power enables effective control over resource allocation, implementation of industrial policies, and supervision of the public sector. The public sector, equally significant, often experiences direct influence from political decisions. Paradoxically, the political stability of authoritarian regimes may attract foreign investments, but this can lead to the entrenchment of certain economic structures at the expense of societal participation and civil liberties. The lack of active societal involvement in decision-making processes poses a significant challenge to the legitimacy of authoritarian rule. Additionally, a notable issue faced by authoritarian regimes is corruption, often stemming from excessive centralization of power and a lack of citizen oversight, serving as a significant barrier to sustainable economic development. Autocratic governments can either stimulate or impede economic development, depending on the balance between centralized control and economic flexibility. In the context of increasing global interconnectedness, understanding the economic structures of authoritarian regimes is crucial for gaining insight into the unique challenges and opportunities they present
Status przedsiębiorstw państwowych – od Polskiej Rzeczypospolitej Ludowej do III Rzeczypospolitej
No full textState-owned enterprises after World War II became one of the key players in the centrally planned economy. They represented a distinct “landscape” of the Polish economic system. The article presents changes in the legal character of these entities from the times of the People’s Republic of Poland to the period of the Third Republic of Poland. The focus is placed on their organizational structure and the scope of their activities. The article also highlights the process of transformation through commercialization and privatization, as well as issues related to the supervision of their functioning. The conclusions emphasize the shortcomings of state-owned enterprises and the reasons for the “decline of their prominence” in a democratic state governed by law
Porozumienie luksemburskie z 10 września 1952 roku
No full textAfter the Second World War, the issue of compensation for Nazi crimes against Jews remained unresolved. The State of Israel, established on May 14, 1948, was struggling with a massive influx of refugees and urgently needed resources for their settlement and integration. The Federal Republic of Germany, founded on May 23, 1949, addressed the issue of material reparations by signing an agreement on September 10, 1952, with the State of Israel and the Conference on Jewish Material Claims against Germany—a joint institution representing various Jewish organizations. Owing the name to the place of its conclusion, this act is known as the Luxembourg Agreement. For the Federal Republic of Germany, the payments agreed upon to be made to Israel imposed a relatively moderate burden on the national budget. For Israel, however, they enabled the achievement of a very significant goal—the construction of the material foundations of the state. Germany, in turn, pursued a symbolic objective of vital importance: to distance the country from its recent Nazi past and, as a result, to facilitate its integration with the West. This convergence of entirely different but nonetheless corresponding interests, which the two countries were compelled to realize, explains how Israel—which had received numerous survivors and relatives of victims of the German state’s policies from 1933 to 1945—and West Germany—which had incorporated into its institutions some former Nazi officials and their collaborators—were able to establish such concrete relations at such an early stage. The agreement primarily concerned payments to the State of Israel, but it also laid the groundwork for future individual compensation. The Federal Republic of Germany undertook to pay Israel three billion German marks. Approximately two-thirds of this amount was delivered in the form of goods and services, mainly capital goods. Around one-third was paid in cash, in foreign currency, to enable Israel to purchase crude oil. To the Conference on Jewish Material Claims against Germany, West Germany committed to pay 450 million German marks to partially meet the individual needs of those affected by the Holocaust
Zmiany klimatu jako wyzwanie. Reakcje państw demokratycznych i autorytarnych
No full textThe diagnosis, widespread in the literature, of the unreliability of the traditional instruments of parliamentary democracy in the face of the problems of the climate crisis should not be interpreted as praise of the climate solutions adopted in authoritarian states. Comparing these antinomic systems of governance leads not so much to a rejection of parliamentary democracy as to a statement of the indispensability of strengthening all forms of grassroots democracy. It is the local approach to global problems that seems to be the remedy for effectively tackling climate change
Sytuacja wewnętrzna w Wolnym Mieście Gdańsku na przełomie lat dwudziestych i trzydziestych XX wieku. Wybrane przejawy germanizacji i niemieckiej polityki rewizjonistycznej a interesy II RP
No full textThe existence of the Free City of Gdańsk remained a vital issue for Polish security throughout the interwar period. The legal and international status of that territory created significant problems for both Poles and Germans. Despite the incorporation of Gdańsk into the Polish customs territory, German domination continued over time. The turn of the 1920s and 1930s seems to be crucial enough to write about such domination, considering both numerous manifestations of germanization and the inclusion of the Gdańsk issue in the German state’s revisionist policy. In the opinion of German politicians and the military, the Free City of Gdańsk was a temporary creation necessary for permanent incorporation into the German Reich territory. The article aims to thoroughly characterize the internal situation in the Free City of Gdańsk at the turn of the twenties and thirties of the 20th century. It takes account of the selected manifestations that demonstrate Germany’s growing role and the germanization process, as well as the threat to Polish interests in this territory. The main research problem addressed in the study is as follows: What were the selected manifestations of the germanization and German revisionist policy in the Free City of Gdańsk at the turn of the 1920s and 1930s? The author raised the following specific research problems in the auxiliary field: 1. How did German activities in the Free City of Gdańsk threaten the political, economic, and security interests of the Second Polish Republic in the years 1928–1931?; 2. How did the state and importance of German civil-paramilitary organizations in the Free City of Gdańsk present themselves in the analyzed years