CNS Czasopisma Naukowe w Sieci
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Masa czy wspólnota? Uwagi na tle społeczeństwa totalitarnego
No full textThe article analyzes the issue of community in totalitarian societies. At the very beginning, the author presents the thesis that totalitarianism is incapable of building an authentic community. To this end, he presents the factors conducive to the birth of totalitarianisms, which he sees as the emergence of mass societies resulting from the processes of rapid industrialization and the development of capitalist relations. As a result of these, traditional communities disintegrated, which in turn gave rise to the individual’s sense of loneliness and his tendency to give up his freedom and seek support in external entities that offer a sense of “being together.” Next, the author presents characteristics of different types of ties (communal, associational and communitarian), assessing whether any of them were formed in societies shaped by totalitarian governments. The analyses conducted show that the social ties constructed by totalitarian regimes lack authenticity in the first place, as they are part of a top-down imposed project that is only meant to create the appearance of community. It is also important that totalitarianism ignores the needs of the individual, being exclusively oriented towards the realization of its own goals. Moreover, a feature of all totalitarianisms is the destruction of established communities (family, religious or professional), since they are an obstacle to the total subordination of the individual to the state. The participation of individuals in artificially constructed communities was only seemingly voluntary, since it was based on manipulation and the false promise of creating areal community. As a result, it becomes obvious that despite the collective facade, societies in totalitarian states lacked ties of a communal nature
Autorytarne sprawowanie władzy a delacja fiskalna: ustawodawstwo cesarskie dotyczące majątków przypadających fiskusowi w późnym Cesarstwie Rzymskim (364–444 n.e.)
No full textThis article examines the imperial constitutions found in Title 10, Book 10 of the Codex Theodosianus within the broader context of the authoritarian exercise of power by emperors of the late fourth and early fifth centuries. These legal regulations– primarily directed against fiscal delators– raise numerous interpretative questions regarding the precise scope of the prohibitions they establish, as well as the underlying motivations behind their promulgation. The subject remains relatively underexplored in Roman law scholarship with respect to this particular aspect.
The core aim of the article is to investigate the rationale behind the shift in imperial policy toward fiscal delators, particularly the introduction of penalties applied upon the third successful (i.e., substantiated and credible) denunciation of property classified as bona caduca, vacantia, or damnatorum, culminating eventually in the complete prohibition of petitions regarding such assets. The study also articulates several specific theses that directly link this legislative evolution to the efforts of authoritarian rulers during the period in question to assert maximum control over the redistribution of these categories of wealth
Ustrojowo-kulturowe antecedencje autorytatywnych działań państwa w zakresie szkolenia młodzieży w posługiwaniu się bronią palną
No full textThe main objective of this article is to analyse the political and cultural conditions of authoritative State activities in the field of training young people in the use of firearms from 1918 to modern times. The analysis of legal regulations is carried out in the context of the State’s authoritative actions which aim to reconcile the role of the State in creating a policy of access to firearms with the organisation a youth shooting training system. The analysis highlights the importance of the age criterion in the State’s security policy related to firearms. In all analysed historical periods, with minimum age thresholds determining young people’s access to firearms, there were mechanisms allowing young people to acquire shooting skills in conditions controlled by schools, sports clubs and pro-defence organisations. Authoritative state actions in the sphere of youth shooting training are strongly conditioned by the political and social situation, but they intensify noticeably in periods of increased threat to state security, but are not necessarily limited in peacetime
Przemiany islamskich koncepcji terytorium: od klasycznego pragmatyzmu do instrumentalizacji w islamizmie
No full textIslamic territorial concepts — such as dar al-islam, dar al-ḥarb, and intermediate categories dar al-ṣulḥ and dar al-ʿahd– have for centuries structured frameworks for understanding relations between the Muslim community and the external world. The purpose of this study is to demonstrate how classical constructions, originally pragmatic and flexible, have been transformed by radical groups’ doctrines into dogmatic and mobilizational instruments. The analysis is conducted from a constructivist perspective, employing comparative methodology and content analysis of both classical sources and doctrinal sources of radical Islamism. Throughout the research, five mechanisms of meaning transformation have been identified: retroactive legitimization, selective amplification, universalization of particularity, binarization of reality, and sacralization of politics. These mechanisms illustrate how processes of social creation and subsequent instrumentalization of meanings lead to the transformation of former legal categories into tools of contemporary political practice. Case studies– ISIS, Al-Qaeda, Taliban, and Boko Haram – demonstrate that although these groups appeal to a common language of tradition, their practices correspond to distinct “politico-theological cartographies”. The conclusions indicate that the flexibility and pragmatism of classical doctrine clash with the dogmatic inflexibility of contemporary actors, which facilitates delegitimization of the Westphalian order and strengthens the capacity of non-state actors to under-mine borders, sovereignty, and stability of the international system
Much ado about nothing? An analysis of the Polish CCTV regulation process
No full textVideo surveillance, or Closed-Circuit Television (CCTV), remains one of the most contentious issues in contemporary surveillance debates. Since the early 1990s, the United Kingdom has been portrayed as the “surveillance bad boy” of Europe: a liberal democracy oversaturated with CCTV systems. Poland, on the other hand, has largely evaded academic scrutiny in this regard. A post-communist polity undergoing an unprecedented expansion of video surveillance, the EU frontier state has become the leading “nation under CCTV” in Europe, earning the unflattering moniker of “surveillance Eldorado.” Despite this, similar to the UK, Poland lacks dedicated legislation regulating video surveillance practices, and public debate on the issue has been minimal. Civil society actors, data protection authorities, and even law enforcement agencies have long advocated for a regulatory framework in this field, but with little success. This situation is particularly puzzling, given the country’s recent history under a repressive communist regime that extensively employed surveillance tactics. It is therefore noteworthy that a legislative process was initiated in late 2013–early 2014, aimed at curbing “the Big Brother state,” with a particular focus on video surveillance. Questions circulating in the public discourse at the time—such as “Why wasn’t this addressed earlier?” and “What are the chances of passing such legislation during the current parliamentary term (2011–2015) or the next (2015–2019)?”—were well founded. By 2020, they were supplemented by another: “Why did the process initialized in 2013 ultimately fail?” The answers may lie in the anti-surveillance sentiment that was prevalent in the aftermath of the ACTA protests, as well as in a reconfiguration of actors and narratives as expressed within the policymaking arena. This paper seeks to explore these issues. It begins with a brief historical overview of video surveillance practices in Poland and past regulatory efforts, followed by a discussion of the consultation process preceding the “Anti-Big Brother Act.
Włoski faszyzm w myśli politycznej Kazimierza Zakrzewskiego w latach 1922–1939
No full textThe author analyzes the attitude of Kazimierz Zakrzewski (1900–1941), a Polish professor at the University of Warsaw, politician of the Union for the Repair of the Republic, and proponent of syndicalism, toward Italian fascism in the 1922–1939 period. Zakrzewski, a Piłsudski affiliate, authored an interesting reading of Benito Mussolini’s political doctrine. His observations on the shifts taking place on the Apennine Peninsula had a significant impact on the shaping of Polish public opinion, especially on the left side of the political spectrum, and its position regarding the genesis of Italian fascism, fascist corporatism, and the economic policy of fascist Italy. As a supporter of the French syndicalist thought of Georges Sorel, Zakrzewski was an avowed enthusiast of these principles. His views represented a Polish version of syndicalism based on voluntary and libertarian unions between employees and employers. Nevertheless, his ideas contradicted those espoused by the architects of Italian fascism, including Alfred Rocco’s adherence to corporatism. Zakrzewski argued that the fascist hue of corporatism was different from how it was posited by interwar syndicalists
Gminy jako skarżący przed Europejskim Trybunałem Praw Człowieka – niedostępny instrument ochrony przed autorytaryzmem
No full textThe aim of this article is to analyze the scope of legal protection that local authorities in the member states of the Council of Europe can obtain under the European Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. The article first seeks to demonstrate why local self-governments play a crucial role in preventing the return of authoritarianism and therefore deserve such special protection. To this end, historical examples are examined, with reference to Polish experiences—first, during the interwar period, when the autonomy of local governments was gradually dismantled alongside the increasing centralization of the state and consolidation of power, and then during the communist era in the People’s Republic of Poland. That political and legal system was a clear negation of the idea of self-government, and the national councils remained, virtually until the end, purely façade institutions. Therefore, the reconstruction of local self-government after 1989 can be seen as one of the key safeguards against a return to such a regime. As examples from European countries in the 21st century demonstrate, the threat of authoritarian regression remains real, even for member states of the Council of Europe. This is illustrated not only by the trajectory Russia has followed—especially in recent years—gradually reverting to a model increasingly reminiscent of the period immediately preceding the collapse of the Soviet Union. Particularly interesting in this context is Turkey, a member of the Council of Europe for several decades, where democratic standards had appeared, at least in principle, to be well established.
These ongoing challenges confirm the importance of properly diagnosing the scope of protection that local governments can obtain under the ECHR. A key element of such an analysis is always the possibility for them to independently lodge complaints before the European Court of Human Rights. However, the article seeks to show that procedural aspects—i.e., the legal standing to appear as an applicant before the Court—should not obscure substantive issues, particularly the question of whether the scope of protection can extend to a broader category of actors than the list of formally recognized applicants, including local self-government entities.
Determining whether such entities may possess standing required a careful examination of their specific legal nature, with particular focus on Polish municipalities, which forms the core part of the analysis. This includes their constitutional status, the character of their public-law legal personality, their role in meeting collective needs, and the distinct legal regime governing their management of public property—as opposed to that of private entities. All of this is essential to confront with the jurisprudence of the ECtHR regarding the interpretation of the term “non-governmental organizations” and, conversely, those entities excluded from such status and standing. Even if there is little doubt about the practical benefit of granting such standing to local governments—due to its potential to significantly enhance protection against authoritarian restoration—the analysis conducted demonstrates that they cannot be permitted to bring claims before the Court against central authorities in disputes over potential limitations to their autonomy. To that end, the article also illustrates the general status of these entities with respect to human rights—not as right-holders, but rather as duty-bearers
La nueva literatura indígena de México: algunas aristas de su traducción interlingüística e intersemiótica
No full textThe new indigenous literature in Mexico, written in native languages and translated into Spanish by the authors themselves, represents a distinct cultural project. Its defining features include interlingual self-translation, the publication of bilingual editions, and intersemiotic translation, which, among other aspects, involves the transition from oral tradition to written form. The primary goal of bilingual editions is to promote Mexican indigenous languages and literature. However, limited literacy in indigenous languages means that these texts are predominantly read in Spanish. This paradox highlights the hegemonic power of the Spanish language over minoritized languages and marginalized cultures. Despite cultural and linguistic violence, this literature is undergoing revitalization and serves multiple functions: if it cannot be read, it can be heard or even “watched”, thanks to the digital activism of its authors, who take on multiple social roles.La nueva literatura indígena de México, escrita en lenguas originarias y traducida al español por sus propios autores y autoras, constituye un proyecto cultural específico. Sus rasgos distintivos incluyen la autotraducción interlingüística, la publicación de versiones bilingües y la traducción intersemiótica, que implica, entre otros procesos, la transición de la tradición oral a la escritura. El principal objetivo de las ediciones bilingües es promover las literaturas y lenguas originarias mexicanas. No obstante, las limitadas competencias en lectoescritura en las lenguas indígenas hacen que los textos sean leídos mayoritariamente en español. Esta paradoja refleja el poder hegemónico del español sobre las lenguas minorizadas y las culturas marginadas. A pesar de la violencia cultural y lingüística, esta literatura se revitaliza y cumple diversas funciones: si no puede ser leída, puede ser escuchada o incluso “vista” gracias al activismo digital de sus creadores y creadoras, quienes desempeñan múltiples roles sociales
Dari Escandell Maestre (coord.), Cultura literària i resiliència al País Valencià, Barcelona, Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, 2024, 216 pp.
No full textNauczanie kultury polskiej jako obcej 3.0. Wielogłos
No full textThe article presents the areas of research conducted by a team of members of the Pedagogy of Polish Language and Culture Laboratory (Pracownia Glottodydaktyki Kulturowej), which is a part of the University of Warsaw’s Polonicum—Centre of Polish Language and Culture for Foreigners. Drawing from cultural studies, we attempt to respond to the “fashionable” and important topics that receive increased attention within humanities today. We discuss the possible adaptations of these topics within the pedagogies of teaching Polish as a foreign language. The topics include the language of inclusion and exclusion, human rights focusing on women’s rights, and migration experience and (inter)cultural exchanges, and geo-poetics. The discussion captures the changing sensitivity concerning minority and marginalized groups, which results from decolonization, globalization, migration crises, and the Anthropocene; hence, it provides a broader reflection on social equality and protection of the natural environment