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    The European Court of Human Rights and life imprisonment

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    This paper is focused on analysing and discussing the standards established by the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) concerning prisoners serving life sentences. The article begins by outlining the general standards for implementing life imprisonment established over the years by the ECtHR, based on complaints from life-sentenced prisoners across all Council of Europe countries. In the second part, the article examines 23 specific cases of Polish prisoners serving life sentences who have lodged complaints against Poland. The analysis addresses the causes of violations of specific articles of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) and considers the number of damages awarded under Article 41 of the ECHR, as well as the length of time the Court took to process complaints from Polish prisoners serving life sentences

    Місцеве самоврядування та зовнішня політика Другої Речі Посполитої в концепціях Влодзімєжа Вакара

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    The political and legal thought of Włodzimerz Wakar was strongly democratic. This is evidenced by his views on the organization of local government and the significant participation of society in the exercise of power. Importantly, this participation was to be guaranteed to all adult citizens. In his concepts proclaimed after the end of World War I, Wakar saw potential threats to the reborn Polish state. He saw them primarily in Germany, Russia, and partly in Austria, which sooner or later would want to rebuild their powers and regain their former territories and influence. Poland should be aware of this and must strive to strengthen its position — and a lasting alliance with its neighbours in Central and Eastern Europe would help greatly. To this end, he proposed improving relations with Lithuanians and Ukrainians. In his opinion, these relations deteriorated as a result of the actions of Russia, Germany, and Austria as well as the attitude of Polish landlords. Poland should also conclude an agreement with Czechoslovakia, thanks to which both countries could mutually solve the Silesian problem and counteract German revisionist policy. However, in order to improve relations with neighboring nations, a people’s government had to be established in Poland.Влодзімєж Вакар залишив по собі цікавий і багатий науковий доробок на межі права і політики. На жаль, сьогодні ця постать дещо призабута, хоча його внесок у розвиток польської науки доволі значний. Польський політик і юрист відзна- чався досить сміливими та новаторськими концепціями внутрішнього функціо- нування польської держави, а також зовнішньої політики, яку вона мала б про- водити з урахуванням ширшого міжнародного контексту. На його думку, місцеве самоврядування мало сприяти рівномірному економічному та культурному зрос- танню регіонів, співпрацювати з державною адміністрацією задля збереження локального характеру окремих регіонів Другої Речі Посполитої з урахуванням їхньої специфіки. Політична і правова думка Влодзімєжа Вакара відзначалася значним демо- кратизмом, про що свідчать його погляди на форму організації самоврядуван- ня та участь суспільства в реалізації влади. Важливо, що ця участь мала гаран- туватися всім повнолітнім громадянам. Хоча в публікаціях Вакара з’являються різні терміни для позначення окремих рівнів організації самоврядування, такі як: ґміна і повіт або громада і округ, сама ідея самоврядування та задум щодо його функціонування залишаються незмінними й характерними для автономії в широкому розумінні. У своїх концепціях, сформульованих після закінчення Першої світової війни, В. Вакар описував потенційні загрози для відродженої польської держави. На- самперед, він убачав їх у Німеччині, Росії і частково в Австрії, які, на його дум- ку, рано чи пізно прагнутимуть відновити свою могутність і захочуть повернути втрачені території та вплив. Польща повинна була усвідомити це і спрямувати зусилля на зміцнення своєї позиції, що значно полегшило б створення стійкого союзу з сусідніми народами Центрально-Східної Європи, які могли зіткнутися з подібними загрозами і разом гарантувати спільну безпеку. Для цього він про- понував покращення відносин, зокрема з литовцями та українцями, які, на його думку, погіршилися протягом століть внаслідок дій Росії, Німеччини та Австрії, а також через позицію польських землевласників. Так само бажаним було по- розуміння з чехами, завдяки якому обидві держави могли б спільно вирішити проблему Сілезії та протидіяти німецькій ревізіоністській політиці. Однак для по- кращення відносин із сусідніми народами Польщі необхідно було створити уряд із домінантним народним фактором

    Status prawny hermafrodytów w Rzymie

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    The article focuses on the legal status of hermaphrodites in Rome. During the regal period as well as throughout the Republic, intersex persons were not only shunned by most of society, but also feared, as hermaphrodites were perceived as prodigia. Romans applied this term to describe peculiar phenomena caused—as they believed—by divine activity, which were aimed at indicating the imminent rupture of pax deorum, i.e. an accord between humans and the gods. The social norms established within ancient states were based on strict division of roles and functions, resulting from gender diff erentiation. Hermaphrodites blurred the lines of this division and as such were treated as a threat to the proper functioning of the state. The author presents the most important sources regarding the status of hermaphrodites in the republican period, their elimination from the society on the basis of the procuratio prodigorum procedure, as well as reasons for the gradual change of attitudes towards androgynes in the last century of the republic, and evidence of them acquiring legal capacity during the Principate

    Między prześladowaniami a tolerancją. Edykty Walezjuszy wobec hugenotów w dobie rozwoju europejskiej reformacji

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    The present article is an attempt at a comprehensive analysis and evaluation of the legislative activities of the French authorities, undertaken in connection with the rise of Protestantism in 16th-century Europe. To achieve this goal, the royal edicts promulgated from the end of the first half of this century to the tragic events of the night of St Bartholomew were explored. The author’s intention was not only to shed light on the the legal provisions themselves, but also to place them in the complex socio-political realities in which decisions on the content and application of normative acts were made. In view of these objectives, it became necessary to resort to a variety of methodological instruments; not only legal exegesis of the texts, but also their analysis and synthesis, as well as comparative studies. The results thus obtained allow the author to formulate a number of critical conclusions. One could not admire legal principles that steam from a desire to maintain religious uniformity. The lack of tolerance towards the diversity of worldviews, evident legal discrimination of Huguenots, and finally their extermination carried out in the majesty of the law are certainly no claims to fame. Those negative assessments are supported and in fact deepened by confronting of France’s conduct in this matter with actions undertaken by some European countries at that time, such as the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, which at least in the sphere of legislation adopted a completely different approach

    Dyskryminacja dzieci pozamałżeńskich w ustawodawstwie cywilnym w Drugiej Rzeczypospolitej i próby jej przezwyciężenia w projektach kodyfikacyjnych

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    The article points out that of the five coexisting systems of family law in independent Poland that originated in the partition era, which were treated as Polish district law (namely: the French-Polish legislation in the central lands, the Russian legislation in the eastern lands, the Austrian legislation in the southern lands, the provisions of the Austrian legislation in force together, as well as some Austrian marriage laws and the Hungarian Personal Marriage Law of 1894 in Spiš and Orava, and finally German legislation in the western lands of the Second Republic of Poland)— all discriminated against extramarital children, then known as “non-marital” and “illegitimate” or “natural” children. The rule, therefore, was that there existed a difference in the legal position of marital and extramarital children. The author initially analyzes the concept of an illegitimate child in district legislation in interwar Poland, then addresses the issue of the distinction in the category of illegitimate children, as well as the uniform regulation of their legal status in after partitions legislation. He then moves on to the work of overcoming discrimination against extramarital children in the Codification Commission of the Republic of Poland, analyzing the original drafts prepared by Stanisław Gołąb (1934) and the drafts by the Subcommittee of the law on kinship and guardianship relations of the Codification Commission based on them. The author argues that the drafts in Stanisław Gołąb’s original version were more progressive, since at their core was the fundamental equality of rights between children born during marriage and non marital children, while the Subcommittee gave this a more declarative form by assuming that a child born out of wedlock could be equated with a marital child by order of the court (office) of guardianship, issued at the request of the authorized subjects and with the consent of the persons indicated therein. At the same time, the author stresses that the new thoughts expressed in Stanisław Gołąb’s original draft, which constituted an important legislative advance, also found expression in the version passed and still being amended by the Subcommittee, in particular the idea of essentially equating children born out of wedlock with marital children, the care of the court (office) of guardianship and social welfare authorities over children born out of wedlock, as well as the principle of exercising parental rights solely in the interests of the child, including those born out of wedlock. Work on the second reading of the drafts was not completed until the outbreak of World War II

    Społeczeństwo obywatelskie i ograniczenia pluralizmu politycznego a istota wolności zrzeszania się

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    The civil society is an element of a democratic rule-of-law state. Every individual has freedom of association. However, due to democratic principles, certain forms of social participation are subject to limitations. The research question posed in this study aims to determine whether the restrictions introduced in Art. 13 of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland may lead to a violation of the essence of freedom of association and the significance of the freedom of association in relation to the concept of civil society. The analysis is based on the dogmatic-legal method. It has been established that, due to the inseparable connection between civil society and a democratic rule-of-law state, as well as the essence of freedom of association, the limitations from Art. 13 of the Constitution do not infringe upon the essence of the freedom of association and allow for social participation in the main concept of civil society

    Socjalizm przedmarksowski wobec rodziny i małżeństwa

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    The article discusses the approach of pre-Marxist socialists, such as Charles Fourier, Henri de Saint-Simon, and Robert Owen, to the problem of family and marriage. Considerations comprised in the text convince us that the term “utopian” as applied to these authors is inaccurate because of their predictive abilities in the field of family and marriage and also due to false criteria utilized by Marx and Engels, who have distinguished utopian and scientific socialism. The article presents early socialist thought in the realm of family and marriage and portrays it as a foundation on which Marx and Engels built their stance toward these problems. Such notorious ideas like “marriage as a mutual prostitution” or “dissolution of the family” are rooted in pre-Marxist thought. The article shows women’s emancipation and the issue of collective education as two ideas linking Fourier, Saint-Simon, and Owen’s thoughts concerning family and marriage. Questions dividing these authors are discussed in the article as well

    Czy Republika Turecka stworzyła „religię polityczną”? Wokół rozważań Onura Atalaya nad międzywojennym kemalizmem

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    This article addresses the issue of the sacralization of secular politics that occurred in Turkey as a result of Kemalist modernization. The impetus for taking up this topic is a critical analysis of Onur Atalay’s book Türk’e Tapmak. Seküler Din ve Iki Savaş Arasında Kemalizm [Worshiping the Turk: Secular Religion and Interwar Kemalism]. This is the first in-depth study to address the problem of Kemalism’s similarity to a religious system. However, the article aims to go beyond a critical presentation of the Turkish scholar’s findings to a wider audience: it is a starting point for reflecting on the further evolution of Turkish “secular religion.” The fundamental thesis that I propose is that Kemalism created a system that fits into Voegelin’s understanding of “political religion,” and in doing so drew on long-standing structures of Turkish culture. This symbolic order proved to be durable and thus marked not only the political history of twentieth-century Turkey but also managed to create its own intellectual and institutional structures, which influenced the shape of contemporary Turkey, when it was already post-Kemalist and when its current authorities based their legitimacy on anti-Kemalist resentments. In this sense, Kemalism as a “political religion” has created a lasting quality. Despite the upheavals in the symbolic and identity policies of the Turkish Republic, it permanently co-shapes its political culture

    Śląskie rozliczenia z drugą wojną światową – uwagi w związku z monografią Adama Dziuroka o Specjalnym Sądzie Karnym w Katowicach

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    The text contains a discussion of Adam Dziurok’s monograph on the Special Criminal Court in Katowice, operating in the years 1945–1946. This court dealt with settling accounts with the crimes of World War II on a local scale. The author’s most important findings on the court’s activities are presented, which are provided with a commentary along with references to the literature on the subject. Noticed flaws are indicated. Although the book concerns the difficult subject of law and acts of its application for a historian, it is a good study and is worth recommending to both historians and lawyers

    Sukcesja roszczeń majątkowych za szkody wyrządzone represjonowaniem w okresie Polskiej Rzeczypospolitej Ludowej

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    The rule of law revolution following the fall of communism in Poland required compensation for the damage caused by the communist repression applied between 1944 and 1989. However, this process faced two challenges. On the one hand, the damages were caused at a time when the repressed could not rely on an effective right to the court. On the other hand, many of the victims died before the Rehabilitation Act came into force. Therefore, the Rehabilitation Act introduced two legal mechanisms intended to compensate for this. Firstly, after the political changes, a system of restitution for damages caused by communist repression was adopted. Secondly, a mechanism of succession was introduced to give the closest relatives of the deceased the right to compensate for these damages. This system operates on the border between criminal and civil law. If a repressed person dies, the order of succession is determined by an autonomous system. However, the death of the primary successor will require the transfer of property claims in accordance with the general rules of inheritance law

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