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Polarised television audiences. The outcomes of the Estonian and European audiovisual media policies
Get PDFThe European Union’s (EU) liberalisation of media policies and its content quality bias towards economic efficiency has resulted in a situation where, in some small markets like Estonia, the audience is divided into two parts. The Russian-speaking audience in Estonia mainly follows Russian state TV channels, and the Estonian-speaking audience watches Estonian television channels. This has happened even though the EU media policy should ensure freedom of information, diversity of opinion and media pluralism. Findings from the Estonian case study show that despite the noble aim of the EU media policy, Estonia has two radically different information fields: Estonian-language media promotes European values, and Russian state media, enjoying high popularity among the Russian speakers, promotes ‘Putin’s values’.The question is whether the EU legal instrument — Audiovisual Media Service Directive (AVMSD) — is an efficient tool when disinformation from third countries is disseminated with the aim of gaining a political influence over the EU member states’ citizens. The recommendation is that the AVMSD should be revised in a way that prevents unfair competition directed from third countries and tools should be developed to compensate for market failures
Collective memory as a resource in Russian information warfare against Latvia
Get PDFThe paper analyses articles from the Russian language newspaper “Vesti Segodnya”, which are devoted to the war in Ukraine. The paper consists of two parts. The first part of this paper explains how the conceptualization of the information warfare has evolved during the second half of the 20th century and how the term “information warfare” is defined in Russia. Then, by looking at the theoretical foundations of collective memory, it demonstrates how collective memory has been incorporated into news stories to create resonance with current events in Ukraine. It is concluded that the usage of collective memory can be identified in articles devoted to the war in Ukraine to resonate with conflict in eastern Ukraine
The Parliament’s public relations in terms of political journalism
Get PDFWhile sitting at a place designated for guests in a representative hall of the Lithuanian parliament, the Italian President was smiling at the Speaker of Seimas who was sitting right in front of him and quietly waited until the three minutes dedicated to photojournalists and television cameramen under the protocol were over. When the journalists left, his wide smile vanished, and the President confided to the Speaker of the Seimas that he ‘also’ did not like and even hated journalists but had no other choice than get used to them and be nice because they also ‘were an authority’. He agreed for his words to be translated into Lithuanian and pointed out: “A very powerful authority, unfortunately”. This situation from the end of the 20th century is in no way an exception in terms of the relationship between the media and government even if used in this article as a case example, because the author will present some more of such examples illustrating the issues of public relations (PR) of the parliament in respect of the media. It is just that this scene is quite typical. Even the description of the media as an authority that was voiced that morning was old news since it was publicly announced as in the early as 16th century in the House of Commons of the United Kingdom when observers sitting in the press gallery were called the “fourth estate”. These words of the president, who had a long experience of parliamentary work, reflect the issue of relationship between the government and the media: politicians are constantly striving to make an influence by means of the media while the media, if it is not under the governmental control, naturally distrust politicians, their messages and alleged friendliness to journalists. The journalism, nevertheless, has been recognised as the most effective means of information since the 19th century after the periodic media systems have developed, since it has been able to reach crowds, audiences, public and is still the most effective way to satisfy the need for information about the events and personae of interest to society and therefore is of a permanent interest to political and judicial authorities. That’s why the factor of the media is so important – probably the most important in systemic PR applications. That’s why in our times the structures of authority responsible for PR try not only to understand the methods of journalism but also to ‘integrate’ into the process of journalism to become the main source and even to absorb the nature of the journalism, i.e. to become a medium between a politician and the audience. Let us suppose that social networks allow PR specialists to reach at least part of their audience directly, without using a journalist. Maybe a PR specialist needs to become a journalist then, to reincarnate? The author of this article has a goal to discuss the interaction between the media and public relations when seen through the prism of interests of a state institution. We will use the case of the Lithuanian parliament.While sitting at a place designated for guests in a representative hall of the Lithuanian parliament, the Italian President was smiling at the Speaker of Seimas who was sitting right in front of him and quietly waited until the three minutes dedicated to photojournalists and television cameramen under the protocol were over. When the journalists left, his wide smile vanished, and the President confided to the Speaker of the Seimas that he ‘also’ did not like and even hated journalists but had no other choice than get used to them and be nice because they also ‘were an authority’. He agreed for his words to be translated into Lithuanian and pointed out: “A very powerful authority, unfortunately”. This situation from the end of the 20th century is in no way an exception in terms of the relationship between the media and government even if used in this article as a case example, because the author will present some more of such examples illustrating the issues of public relations (PR) of the parliament in respect of the media. It is just that this scene is quite typical. Even the description of the media as an authority that was voiced that morning was old news since it was publicly announced as in the early as 16th century in the House of Commons of the United Kingdom when observers sitting in the press gallery were called the “fourth estate”. These words of the president, who had a long experience of parliamentary work, reflect the issue of relationship between the government and the media: politicians are constantly striving to make an influence by means of the media while the media, if it is not under the governmental control, naturally distrust politicians, their messages and alleged friendliness to journalists. The journalism, nevertheless, has been recognised as the most effective means of information since the 19th century after the periodic media systems have developed, since it has been able to reach crowds, audiences, public and is still the most effective way to satisfy the need for information about the events and personae of interest to society and therefore is of a permanent interest to political and judicial authorities. That’s why the factor of the media is so important – probably the most important in systemic PR applications. That’s why in our times the structures of authority responsible for PR try not only to understand the methods of journalism but also to ‘integrate’ into the process of journalism to become the main source and even to absorb the nature of the journalism, i.e. to become a medium between a politician and the audience. Let us suppose that social networks allow PR specialists to reach at least part of their audience directly, without using a journalist. Maybe a PR specialist needs to become a journalist then, to reincarnate? The author of this article has a goal to discuss the interaction between the media and public relations when seen through the prism of interests of a state institution. We will use the case of the Lithuanian parliament
Internet news about Ukraine and the “audience agenda”: topics, sources and the audience aggressiveness
Get PDFEuromaidan in Kiev, the annexation of Crimea and the war in Eastern Ukraine had become the most important international events that impacted media content in 2013 and 2014. This paper provides research that intends to analyse the interrelation between news content of the three largest news sites in Latvia (Delfi.lv, Apollo.lv, Tvnet.lv) and the Latvian and Russian-speaking audience reaction to the news about the events in Ukraine in 2014. By using a unique tool for audience behaviour analysis “The Index of Internet Aggressiveness” in this research, the level of audience aggressiveness that appears within audience comments has been analysed with the aim to find out how and if the professional approach of the news producers influences the aggressiveness of the news site’s audience.The three different groups of data from the Index of Internet Aggressiveness are used to measure audience behaviour: the quantity of aggressive keywords used in the comments by audience members that create a significant rise in the Index of Internet Aggressiveness next to the news on Ukraine; content analysis of the most aggressively commented news articles about the events in Ukraine; the semi-structured qualitative interviews with editors of news sites that explain professional routines.The most significant conclusions of the research show the domination of the official Russian media outlets among the news sources about Ukraine. By republishing ready-made and easily accessible news stories, independent news sites of Latvia have become distributors and multiplicators of messages favourable to the Russian version of the events in Ukraine
Ukrainos krizė šiuolaikinėje informacinėje erdvėje
No full textVilnius University - Kyiv Taras Shevchenko University - Warsaw University - Warsaw S. Wyszynski\u27s University. Scholarly Communication and Information Centre (SCIC), Vilnius University, 2014 12 04.
The scientific conference “The Ukraine crisis in the modern-day information space” is a three-part event dedicated to studying the problems of European communication which emerged as a result of the conflict between Ukraine and Russia. From the point of view of communication theories, these problems of international communication concern: what are the strengths and weaknesses of information technologies in the communication of governmental institutions with the public; why members of the public are susceptible to (destructive) information; how the methods of information warfare are changing; and why information politics is part of real international politics. Being aware that the Ukraine crisis is one of Europe’s crises and presents a challenge for the whole continent, the organisers of the event—communication and political science experts—should not only seek solutions but also provide recommendations on how to develop information politics that would be beneficial to European society. The conference is hosted by the Faculty of Communication of Vilnius University (Vilnius), the Institute of International Relations of Taras Shevchenko National University (Kiev), the Institute of Journalism of the University of Warsaw, and the Institute of Media Education and Journalism of Cardinal Stefan Wyszynski University (Warsaw).Mokslinė konferencija „Ukrainos krizė šiuolaikinėje informacinėje erdvėje” – tai trijų dalių renginys, kuriame nagrinėjamos Europos komunikacijos problemos, atsiradusios, kai ėmė ryškėti Ukrainos ir Rusijos konfliktas. Šios problemos, vertinant komunikacijos teorijų aspektais, gali būti nustatomos dvejopai – kaip išorinės ir vidinės. Aptarti Ukrainos krizės, lėmusios tarptautinės komunikacijos problemos, informacinio lauko veiksniai: kokie yra informacijos technologijų privalumai ir trūkumai valdžios institucijoms bendraujant su auditorijomis; kodėl publikos paveikios neigiamai (destruktyviai) informacijai ir kaip kinta informacinio karo metodai; ar ir kodėl informacinė politika yra realios tarptautinės politikos dalis. Suvokdami Ukrainos krizę kaip dalį Europos krizių ir kaip kontinentui tenkantį iššūkį, organizatoriai, komunikacijos ir politikos mokslų ekspertai, politikai ieškojo atsakymų, bet ir formulavo rekomendacijas, kurios padėtų kurti Europos visuomenei naudingą informacijos politiką. Konferencijos organizatoriai buvo Lietuvos, Lenkijos ir Ukrainos aukštosios mokyklos: Vilniaus universiteto Komunikacijos fakultetas (Vilnius), Taraso Ševčenkos valstybinio universiteto Tarptautinių santykių institutas (Kijevas), Varšuvos universiteto Žurnalistikos institutas ir Varšuvos kardinolo S. Vyšinskio universiteto Medijų edukacijos ir žurnalistikos institutas
The Role and Functions of Social Media in Modern Society. Is social Media Worthwile for Local Media?
Get PDF[full article and abstract in English]
The purpose of this article is to explore if the social media are worthwile for the local media. Currently, all types of the mass media under the influence of the social media experience changes caused by the technologies in the processes of obtaining and consuming the information. The article reveals the representation of the local media of Latvia in the electronic environment, mainly in social networks. The use of social media is analysed in the context of theory of innovations diffusion, considering social media as a novelty in the local media space. The empirical research has revealed that the local media do not implement all the advantages which are possible to develop within the digital environment. First of all, at the level of interactivity, the media do not offer the material which may provoke a comment or a feedback from the user. Secondly, the personalization allows seeing in detail whether the local media were able to adopt innovation and to inform the audience about it or not. It means that a particular interest is necessary to adopt an innovation. Thirdly, the potential convergence of the Internet and the traditional media mostly is seen at the level of images and text. The social networks for local media in this case use the most necessary opportunities; wider activities are performed in the traditional environment.[straipsnis ir santrauka anglų kalba]
The purpose of this article is to explore if the social media are worthwile for the local media. Currently, all types of the mass media under the influence of the social media experience changes caused by the technologies in the processes of obtaining and consuming the information. The article reveals the representation of the local media of Latvia in the electronic environment, mainly in social networks. The use of social media is analysed in the context of theory of innovations diffusion, considering social media as a novelty in the local media space. The empirical research has revealed that the local media do not implement all the advantages which are possible to develop within the digital environment. First of all, at the level of interactivity, the media do not offer the material which may provoke a comment or a feedback from the user. Secondly, the personalization allows seeing in detail whether the local media were able to adopt innovation and to inform the audience about it or not. It means that a particular interest is necessary to adopt an innovation. Thirdly, the potential convergence of the Internet and the traditional media mostly is seen at the level of images and text. The social networks for local media in this case use the most necessary opportunities; wider activities are performed in the traditional environment
Komunikacinės progresijos konstravimas informaciniame kare
Get PDFStraipsnio objektas – praktinis psichologinio aspekto taikymas vykstant informaciniam karui. Straipsnyje aptariamos pagrindinės šiuolaikiškos informacinių operacijų sudedamosios dalys, informacinio karo pritaikymas nesant karinio konflikto. Pristatoma, kaip žiniasklaidos priemonėmis galima sukurti tariamą realybę, neigiamai konotuojančią aplinkos procesus. Informacinį karą prieš valstybę inicijuojančių šalių konstruojamas neigiamas vaizdas gali būti sistemingas ir sąmoningas, bet neatitinkantis tikrovės.Straipsnyje teoriniu aspektu aptariama, kaip naudojantis medijomis galima sukurti nepasitikėjimo aplinkiniais, savimi ir valstybe atmosferą ir taip palaužti piliečių norą ir gebėjimą pasipriešinti atvirai ar slaptai išorės agresijai. Prisidengiant demokratijos įtvirtinta žodžio laisve ir pliuralizmo idėja, lengvai skleidžiamos defetistinės nuotaikos, o tikrasis tokių veiksmų motyvas paprasčiausiai slepiamas.Esminiai žodžiai: defetizmas, informacinis karas, informacinės operacijos, medijos, realybės konstravimas
Žurnalistai ir ideologiniai apribojimai interneto poveikio kontekste (Rusijos atvejis)
Get PDFŠis straipsnis1 skirtas ideologinių apribojimų, kuriuos patiria žurnalistai nelaisvose šalyse, problematikai aptarti. Pateikiami ir aptariami šeši paradigminio pobūdžio pavyzdžiai, rodantys, kaip ideologinio poveikio apribojimai veikia Rusijos žiniasklaidos sferą ir kokį poveikį šiems apribojimams turi interneto veiksnys. Parodoma, kad vadinamoji virtualioji (arba alternatyvioji) viešoji informacinė erdvė iš tikrųjų suteikia galimybę kovoti su ideologiniais apribojimais, skleisti necenzūruotą informaciją.Tačiau interneto veiksnio nereikėtų pervertinti. Straipsnyje cituojamas Jacobo Grosheko tyrimas byloja, kad interneto plėtros poveikis demokratijos sklaidai nėra stiprus ir pastebimas. Taip pat, vertinant duomenis apie Rusijos interneto vartotojų įpročius ir jų prioritetus ieškant informacijos virtualioje erdvėje, daromos išvados, kad nors internetas gali būti svarbus demokratinius pokyčius palaikantis elementas, tikroji jo reikšmė šiai sferai galėtų padidėti tik tuo atveju, jeigu Rusijos raidoje įvyktų esminių pokyčių demokratėjimo linkme.Esminiai žodžiai: alternatyvi informacinė erdvė, ideologinis apribojimas, netiesioginė cenzūra, savicenzūra
Savavališkos mirties paskatos žurnalistikoje
Get PDFStraipsnyje nagrinėjama savižudybių temos pateikimo žiniasklaidoje problema. Pristatomas Lietuvos interneto naujienų svetainių tyrimas, kuriame analizuojama, ar 2011 m. kovo 21 d. Delfi.lt, Lrytas.lt, 15min.lt, Balsas.lt ir Alfa.lt publikacijų apie Aurimo Dautarto mirtį turinys atitinka kriterijus, nustatytus pagal Pasaulio sveikatos organizacijos atsakingo pranešimo rekomendacijas žiniasklaidos profesionalams, rengiantiems viešai skleidžiamą informaciją apie savižudybes. Atsižvelgiant į žiniasklaidos imitacinio poveikio savižudiškai elgsenai tyrimų rezultatus, keliama hipotezė, kad žiniasklaidoje pateikta informacija apie A. Dautarto mirtį rengta ir skleista nesilaikant mokslininkų rekomendacijų, skirtų atsakingam pranešimui savižudybių tema žiniasklaidoje rengti, galėjo turėti įtaką savižudybių skaičiaus padidėjimui Lietuvoje po šio tragiško įvykio 2011 m. kovo pabaigoje ir balandžio mėnesį.Kadangi žurnalistinį savižudybių pateikimo turinį, galintį paskatinti visuomenės narių suicidinę elgeseną, lemia komerciniai, redakcijų darbo specifikos, psichologiniai, sociologiniai, teisiniai ir etiniai veiksniai, publikacijoje teigiama, kad šios problemos sprendimas priklauso ne nuo pavienės asmenų ar organizacijų iniciatyvos, bet nuo sutelktų valstybės institucijų, edukacinių įstaigų, visuomeninių organizacijų, žurnalistų ir leidėjų bendruomenių pastangų.Esminiai žodžiai: PSO rekomendacijos, savižudybė, žiniasklaida, žurnalistas
Atsakingos žiniasklaidos sistemos: teorinės prieigos ir situacija Lietuvos regionų spaudoje
Get PDFStraipsnyje teoriniu ir praktiniu aspektais nagrinėjamos atsakingos žiniasklaidos sistemos. Teorinės prieigos grindžiamos garsaus žiniasklaidos teoretiko, žurnalistikos etiko, atsakingos žiniasklaidos sistemų (toliau – AŽS) kūrėjo ir šios idėjos autoriaus bei skleidėjo prancūzų mokslininko profesoriaus Claude-Jeano Bertrando (1934–2007) įžvalgomis. Kokia šiuo metu atsakingos žiniasklaidos sistemų situacija Lietuvoje, mėginama atskleisti analizuojant Lietuvos regioninės periodikos redakcijų veiklą. Pasinaudodama pačios atliktu tripakopiu empiriniu tyrimu, straipsnio autorė kelia klausimus, ar mūsų šalyje yra galimybių veikti atsakingos žiniasklaidos sistemoms ir ar galima būtų teigti, kad Lietuvoje yra visos sąlygos tokiam modeliui veikti. Apibendrinusi atlikto empirinio tyrimo rezultatus straipsnio autorė pateikia išvadas apie situaciją XXI amžiaus pirmo dešimtmečio šalies regionų žiniasklaidoje AŽS aspektu.Esminiai žodžiai: atsakingos žiniasklaidos sistemos; žiniasklaidos funkcijos; žiniasklaidos dalyviai; rinka, teisė ir etika; savireguliacija; įstatymas; regionų periodika