Journalism Research
Not a member yet
179 research outputs found
Sort by
Media and politics in the Baltic States
Get PDFThe international scientific conference “Interaction of Media and Politics in the Baltic States” was held at the Faculty of Communication of Vilnius University on 7-8 May 2015. Researchers from universities in Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Finland, Sweden, Poland and United Kingdom analysed issues in media policy, propaganda, information warfare, political communication and investigative journalism
Žiniasklaidos savitvarka: institucijų modeliai ir lietuviškasis status quo
Get PDFStraipsnio tikslas – apžvelgti žiniasklaidos savireguliavimo (savitvarkos) modelius, veikiančius užsienyje, aptarti savitvarkos institucijų pobūdį ir funkcijas, savitvarkos institucijų struktūrą, finansavimą ir taikomas sankcijas, išanalizuoti kokie savitvarkos modeliai naudojami mūsų šalyje. Pateikiant žiniasklaidos savitvarkos Lietuvoje problematiką, atkreiptinas dėmesys į Visuomenės informavimo įstatymo pataisas, įsigaliojusias nuo 2015 m. sausio 1 d., taip pat pristatomos naujo savitvarkos instituto – Visuomenės informavimo etikos komisijos formavimo nuostatos ir funkcijos, šios komisijos darbo organizavimo, finansavimo principai ir sprendimų paskelbimo tvarka. Atskira straipsnio dalis skiriama žurnalistų, dirbančių nacionalinėje ir regionų žiniasklaidoje, apklausos rezultatams. Apklausoje siekta išsiaiškinti, kaip Lietuvos žurnalistų sąjungos nariai (N=60), dirbantys praktinį žurnalistinį darbą, supranta ir vertina žiniasklaidos savitvarką Lietuvoje. Straipsnio teorinis metodologinis pagrįstumas – loginė, lyginamoji ir kompleksinė šaltinių analizė, taip pat sociologiniai ir sisteminiai tyrimo metodai, turinio analizė, kiekybinė ir kokybinė duomenų analizė; aprašomoji statistika
Freedom, the Media, and War: an Investigation on Interactions
Get PDFThis paper is set to analyze interdependencies of freedom, media, and war. In order to show freedom’s impacts on the latter, first historical and current concepts are discussed. To cope with recent developments in both war and media, a categorization of old and new wars is then depicted in order to sketch the major differences. Terrorism as a new appearance of war is examined in more detail, as it provides a comprehensive example of how all subcomponents of the investigation – freedom, media and war – interact. The media with their special role in regard to freedom, war, and state, are more specified in order to follow the logical scope of the paper. It is shown how the three stated elements reciprocally depend on each other. Lastly, the possible solutions for inhibiting negative interactions are presented. Due to its largest lever, the focus is hereby placed on the media.This paper is set to analyze interdependencies of freedom, media, and war. In order to show freedom’s impacts on the latter, first historical and current concepts are discussed. To cope with recent developments in both war and media, a categorization of old and new wars is then depicted in order to sketch the major differences. Terrorism as a new appearance of war is examined in more detail, as it provides a comprehensive example of how all subcomponents of the investigation – freedom, media and war – interact. The media with their special role in regard to freedom, war, and state, are more specified in order to follow the logical scope of the paper. It is shown how the three stated elements reciprocally depend on each other. Lastly, the possible solutions for inhibiting negative interactions are presented. Due to its largest lever, the focus is hereby placed on the media
Media Restrictions as the Image Formation Tool: the Case Study of Singapore’s Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew Popularity
Get PDFWe live in the world full of nice people. The media make us think so as we are surrounded by the images of sport, pop culture, fashion industry, entertainment media, and business leaders. We face them even in the news programs and the press. Of course, the photos and other visual outlets of politicians join the general publicity of personality cult. How do these people appear in the journalist media? Why are they exposed in a positive manner while the crucial role of journalism’s “watchdog” function is to demonstrate weaknesses in order to get them into political agenda and improve? We live in the world where there is a huge business of personality promotion and selling beneath the media, and this business is called celebrity branding and news management. The media skip it from exposure. Journalism too, but why? Who is in charge that people in the media become celebrities? Who, the source or the media, is related to the fact that their audience becomes attached to the celebrities and is involved into a never-ending follow-up communication with them? These questions arise when we focus on journalism’s role in the public opinion formation process in general and image management in particular. The issue may be approached by various ways, but the present article narrows the scope of analyses mainly to the issue of political environment impact on the image of the political actor. Such a choice is made due on the factor that political environment covers both the macro (institutional) and micro (content) levels of restrictions the traditional media encounter, and due to the reason that the scope of mediated politics enables the holistic view of the media field professionals (public relations practitioners, sources, and journalists) performance and its influence on the final product. The disclosure of how the personality campaign is organised in order to reach a wide coverage and depict a positive image is of cognitive value also because the case study is made with the Singapore Prime Minister’s example – the international aspect introduces the global patterns of the celebrity phenomenon and also allows to discuss the media regulation in Singapore. First of all, the present article introduces the theoretical background for the case study, then it examines the state of the media in Singapore, showing the ownership specifics, regulation peculiarities and free speech constraints arising from regulation rather than from professionalism. The psychologically fair factor is disclosed through the analysis of legal acts, especially the Internal Security Act. The spiral of silence theory explains the supporters of such political environment that enables a long-lasting positive attitude towards the Singapore Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew and explains his popularity and a successful image-making job.We live in the world full of nice people. The media make us think so as we are surrounded by the images of sport, pop culture, fashion industry, entertainment media, and business leaders. We face them even in the news programs and the press. Of course, the photos and other visual outlets of politicians join the general publicity of personality cult. How do these people appear in the journalist media? Why are they exposed in a positive manner while the crucial role of journalism’s “watchdog” function is to demonstrate weaknesses in order to get them into political agenda and improve? We live in the world where there is a huge business of personality promotion and selling beneath the media, and this business is called celebrity branding and news management. The media skip it from exposure. Journalism too, but why? Who is in charge that people in the media become celebrities? Who, the source or the media, is related to the fact that their audience becomes attached to the celebrities and is involved into a never-ending follow-up communication with them? These questions arise when we focus on journalism’s role in the public opinion formation process in general and image management in particular. The issue may be approached by various ways, but the present article narrows the scope of analyses mainly to the issue of political environment impact on the image of the political actor. Such a choice is made due on the factor that political environment covers both the macro (institutional) and micro (content) levels of restrictions the traditional media encounter, and due to the reason that the scope of mediated politics enables the holistic view of the media field professionals (public relations practitioners, sources, and journalists) performance and its influence on the final product. The disclosure of how the personality campaign is organised in order to reach a wide coverage and depict a positive image is of cognitive value also because the case study is made with the Singapore Prime Minister’s example – the international aspect introduces the global patterns of the celebrity phenomenon and also allows to discuss the media regulation in Singapore. First of all, the present article introduces the theoretical background for the case study, then it examines the state of the media in Singapore, showing the ownership specifics, regulation peculiarities and free speech constraints arising from regulation rather than from professionalism. The psychologically fair factor is disclosed through the analysis of legal acts, especially the Internal Security Act. The spiral of silence theory explains the supporters of such political environment that enables a long-lasting positive attitude towards the Singapore Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew and explains his popularity and a successful image-making job
Kriminalinių įvykių diskursas Lietuvos internetinėje žiniasklaidoje ir Emilio Vėlyvio kino filmuose
Get PDFLietuvos internetinėje žiniasklaidoje kriminaliniai įvykiai pateikiami kasdien ir šių pranešimų gausa hiperbolizuoja esamos realybės vaizdą. Tiek žiniasklaidoje, tiek kine sukuriami pranešimai veikia visuomenės nuostatas, vertybes ir tapatumą. Gausus kriminalinių įvykių diskursas naudojamas ir Emilio Vėlyvio kino filmuose „Zero“ ir „Zero II“.Dažniausiai Lietuvoje atliekami žiniasklaidoje pateikiamų kriminalinių naujienų tyrimai nebandant to susieti su kino filmais. Kriminaliniai kino filmai perteikia mūsų idėjas apie socialinius, ekonominius ir politinius reiškinius ir taip formuoja mūsų suvokimą apie šiuos reiškinius. Todėl tokio žanro filmai sukelia ir tam tikrus efektus visuomenėje, perteikdami žiūrovams kultūros fragmentus, kurie vėliau formuoja individualią ir kolektyvinę sąmonę. Nors vaidybinių kino filmų gamyba remiasi subjektyviais kūrybos kriterijais priešingai nei žiniasklaidos naujienos, tačiau tiek kino filmai, tiek ir žiniasklaidos pranešimai yra sukonstruotos realybės reprezentacija. Ši reprezentacija straipsnyje tiriama remiantis socialinio konstruktyvizmo teorija, kuri aktuali tuo, jog nusikaltimą traktuoja kaip socialinę realybę, kurią konstruoja visuomenė. Būtent visuomenė gali atitinkamai keisti socialinę realybę suprasdama savo rolę jos konstravime.Taigi pagrindinis straipsnio tikslas yra nustatyti, kokios priežastys lemia kriminalinės informacijos pateikimą ir vartojimo poreikį tiek žiniasklaidoje, tiek kine. Siekiant įgyvendinti šį tikslą iškelti uždaviniai:1) atskleisti galimus vartotojų kriminalinės informacijos pasirinkimo motyvus;2) nustatyti kriminalinių įvykių tematiką pasirinktoje internetinės žiniasklaidos svetainėje;3) nustatyti kriminalinių įvykių tematiką pasirinktuose kino filmuose;4) išskirti dominuojančius pranešimus kriminalinių įvykių tematikoje;5) palyginti kriminalinių įvykių temas ir dominuojančius pranešimus;6) išanalizuoti, kokią įtaką internetinė žiniasklaida ir kino filmų pateikiamų pranešimų apie nusikaltimus ir jų temų skirtumai ir panašumai turi kriminalinių įvykių diskurso plėtojimui viešojoje erdvėje.Analizuojant kriminalinių įvykių žiniasklaidoje ir kine problematiką bei priežastis, kurios lemia tokios informacijos paklausą visuomenėje, iš pradžių aptariamas medijų ir jų turinio pasirinkimo aspektas, vėliau aptariama kriminalinių įvykių diskurso sąvoka ir pristatomas kriminalinių įvykių pateikimo pasirinktoje internetinėje žiniasklaidos svetainėje (laikraštyje Delfi.lt) ir kino filmuose („Zero“ ir „Zero II“) tyrimas, kuriame analizuojami pranešimai apie kriminalinius įvykius
Amerikos lietuvių periodikos skaitytojų nuomonės tyrimai (1879–1919)
Get PDFTokios temos lietuvių spaudos istorikai ir teoretikai nėra nagrinėję ir išsamiai išskleidę. Tuo tarpu tai yra svarbi žurnalistikos istorijos, sociologijos, etikos, lektologijos sritis.Šiame straipsnyje, nepretenduojant į išsamumą, įvairesniame, iš dalies teorinio pobūdžio kontekste dėstoma Amerikos lietuvių skaitytojų nuomonė apie atskirus periodikos leidinius (daugiausia – apie laikraščius), apskritai apie tos šalies lietuvių periodinę žiniasklaidą, kuri tuo metu sprendė ir žurnalistikos praktikos klausimus: kas yra žinia, kokia turi būti naujiena. Į juos redakcijos ieškojo atsakymų pasitelkdamos ir JAV redaktorių pateikiamus naujienų apibūdinimus. Remiamasi iki šiol surinkta anketų, apklausos, atskirų temų, redakcijos atsakymų ir kitokių tyrimų medžiaga. Aptariama ir redakcijų reakcija į skaitytojų pareikštas pastabas bei pageidavimus
Factors that Influence Freedom of Speech and Self-censorship in Mass Media in Contemporary Russia
Get PDFAn attempt to define the degree of media freedom in contemporary Russia leads to contradiction between the declaration of the mass media freedom provided by the Constitution of the Russian Federation and the Soviet Union heritage of unequivocal control of the press by the government, described by Siebert et al. (1984) as the Soviet-Communist Press Theory. The reason for this ambiguity could be explained by the great deal of different factors that exert an influence on the journalism, such as features of mass media legislation, governmental control of the media, the diversity of media ownership, sources of media incomes, and traditions of censorship in Russia. The current development of the media legislation in Russia shows no improvement regarding the freedom of speech. In the beginning of the third presidential term in 2012, Vladimir Putin has signed several laws that reduced the freedom of speech through the limitation of public assembly, criminalization of defamation in the mass media, and intensification of governmental censorship on the internet. On the other hand, the contemporary press freedom that appeared in conditions of the new market economy in the beginning of the 1990s has brought discredit as to the conception of an exclusively positive impact of unconditional freedom on the mass media since the newspapers, television and radio channels were controlled by several powerful oligarchs who used the owned mass media to spread and support their political influence. However, after the authorities’ reference in the 2000s the balance was not regained. As a result, the majority of the media outlets in Russia became co-owned or fully controlled by the government. Another crucial aspect of the mass media freedom as the cultural phenomenon should be kept in mind: seven decades of severe censorship could not be erased from the journalism professional community’s memory in several years. The negative experience of predecessors transforms censorship into self-censorship in modern Russia.An attempt to define the degree of media freedom in contemporary Russia leads to contradiction between the declaration of the mass media freedom provided by the Constitution of the Russian Federation and the Soviet Union heritage of unequivocal control of the press by the government, described by Siebert et al. (1984) as the Soviet-Communist Press Theory. The reason for this ambiguity could be explained by the great deal of different factors that exert an influence on the journalism, such as features of mass media legislation, governmental control of the media, the diversity of media ownership, sources of media incomes, and traditions of censorship in Russia. The current development of the media legislation in Russia shows no improvement regarding the freedom of speech. In the beginning of the third presidential term in 2012, Vladimir Putin has signed several laws that reduced the freedom of speech through the limitation of public assembly, criminalization of defamation in the mass media, and intensification of governmental censorship on the internet. On the other hand, the contemporary press freedom that appeared in conditions of the new market economy in the beginning of the 1990s has brought discredit as to the conception of an exclusively positive impact of unconditional freedom on the mass media since the newspapers, television and radio channels were controlled by several powerful oligarchs who used the owned mass media to spread and support their political influence. However, after the authorities’ reference in the 2000s the balance was not regained. As a result, the majority of the media outlets in Russia became co-owned or fully controlled by the government. Another crucial aspect of the mass media freedom as the cultural phenomenon should be kept in mind: seven decades of severe censorship could not be erased from the journalism professional community’s memory in several years. The negative experience of predecessors transforms censorship into self-censorship in modern Russia
Freedom of Expression and the Media: A Case-study from The Netherlands
Get PDFThere is “no such thing as free (non-ideologically constrained) speech; no such thing as a public forum purged of ideological pressures or exclusions”. Stanley Fish’s famous thesis (1994) is illustrated by this case study on the public debate on freedom of expression in the Netherlands during the first decade of the 21st century. Far from serving tolerance or minority rights, as originally intended, it produced a whole line of argumentation that have excluded many from the public debate and filled it with a more exclusive content, especially regarding religion in general and Muslims in particular. A renewed identification with the toleration discourse would help the media in regaining their public role and will be helpful for journalists covering the debate.There is “no such thing as free (non-ideologically constrained) speech; no such thing as a public forum purged of ideological pressures or exclusions”. Stanley Fish’s famous thesis (1994) is illustrated by this case study on the public debate on freedom of expression in the Netherlands during the first decade of the 21st century. Far from serving tolerance or minority rights, as originally intended, it produced a whole line of argumentation that have excluded many from the public debate and filled it with a more exclusive content, especially regarding religion in general and Muslims in particular. A renewed identification with the toleration discourse would help the media in regaining their public role and will be helpful for journalists covering the debate
Paldies, Inta
Get PDF2014 m. lapkričio 1 dieną mirė profesorė dr. Inta Brikšė,Latvijos universiteto Socialinių mokslų fakulteto dekanė.