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Amir Brka: "Nisim Albahari, a tragic revolutionary" (Center for Culture and Education, Tešanj, 2018)
Get PDFU hrestomatijski koncipiranoj knjizi "Kritičari o Amiru Brki" koju je priredio Muhidin Džanko u poglavlju "Kulturna i opća historija, publicistika" nekoliko radova je posvećeno osvrtu na knjigu Amira Brke "Nisim Albahari, tragični revolucionar" (Centar za kulturu i obrazovanje, Tesanj, 2018.). Jedan od tih radova je i rad Husnije Kamberović "Amir Brka: Nisim Albahari, tragični revolucionar" u kome navodi da "... ova knjiga svjedoči da postati tragičan revolucionar ne znači izgubiti vjeru u snagu ideala dobra i vrijednosti revolucije. Knjiga je važan pokazatelj da vrijedi investirati vrijeme i trud u afirmaciju univerzalnih ljudskih vrijednosti, možda upravo u ovo naše vrijeme kada se prošlost "diže u vazduh" i brišu iz historije čitave epohe s ciljem odvajanja od socijalističkog naslijeđa i kreiranja neke nove budućnosti..."In the textbook "Critics of Amir Brka" prepared by Muhidin Džanko in the chapter "Cultural and General History", several papers are devoted to a review of Amir Brka's book "Nisim Albahari, a tragic revolutionary" (Center for Culture and Education, Tešanj, 2018). One of these works is the work of Husnija Kamberović "Amir Brka: Nisim Albahari, a tragic revolutionary" in which he states that "... this book testifies that becoming a tragic revolutionary does not mean losing faith in the power of the ideals of good and the value of revolution. The book is an important indicator that it is worth investing time and effort in the affirmation of universal human values, perhaps in our time when the past "blow up into the air" and is erased from the history of the whole epoch with the aim of separating from the socialist heritage and creating a new future ... "Rad objavljen u (paper published in): "Historijski zbornik", Zagreb, 2018, br. 2, str. 474-477
One name every year - Dr. Maxo Grossmann
Get PDFNa simpoziju u mariborskoj sinagogi, organiziranom uz "Dan sjećanja na Holokaust- Aušvic", predstavljena su preliminarna istraživanja o, u Hrvatskoj vrlo poznatom dr. Maksi Grosmanu, koji je bio pionir interne medicine i kardiologije, te prvi direktor "Sanatorija Merkur" u Zagrebu. Nacisti su ga poslali u Aušvic, a nakon oslobođenja od strane Crvene armije, vratio se u Zagreb, u sanatorij, ali je nakon nekoliko godina stradao od posljedica patnje u logoru.At the symposium in the Maribor synagogue, organized on the occasion of "Holocaust Remembrance Day - Auschwitz", preliminary research on Dr. Maxo Grossmann, very well known in Croatia, who was a pioneer of internal medicine and cardiology, and the first director of "Sanatorium Mercur" in Zagreb, was presented. . The Nazis sent him to Auschwitz, and after the liberation by the Red Army, he returned to Zagreb, to a sanatorium, but after a few years he died as a result of suffering in the camp
Kronika obitelji Alexander
Get PDFThe paper focuses on the history of Zagreb’s prominent Jewish family, the Alexanders (or Aleksanders), who were influential in the city's cultural, economic and social life and Croatia for almost a century. At the time of their arrival in Zagreb and after the end of the First World War, they all belonged to the Jewish religious denomination; later most of them converted to Catholicism and one was an Evangelical Christian (Protestant). The Alexander family moved to Zagreb from Burgenland (Güssing) in the 1850s. Upon their arrival, they worked in commerce and were known as diligent businessmen. Soon they became respected and wealthy patrons well-known in Zagreb, Croatia and abroad. The second-generation family members were distinguished physicians, lawyers, engineers, artists, professors and businessmen. They formed marriage alliances with Zagreb’s prominent Jewish and Catholic families and socialised with the nobility, thus making acquaintances and forming social networks that upgraded their social status. Also, they were cosmopolitans with one foot in Zagreb and the other in Vienna. Thereby, Budapest was not far-fetched for them. Among the most prominent and distinguished family members, one finds the brothers Aleksander/Šandor (1866-1929) and Samuel David (1862–1943). They were well-respected industrialists, and founders of Zagreb’s brewery, malt factory and cement factory. They were also board members of several banks and founders of industrialists’ associations. Thus, their work and diligence were much appreciated during the First World War, for which Aleksander was awarded an Austro-Hungarian noble title. The post-war unification of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes had no negative impact on their social standing. Thereby, the brothers managed to continue their business successfully and were greatly appreciated by the newly formed political elite. Later, at the beginning of the Second World War, most of the family members managed to escape Nazi persecution, while some perished in the Holocaust. Today, descendants of this large family live scattered around the world, in Israel, the United States, Italy and Zagreb. The only visible memory trace - proof of the family’s existence in Zagreb - are the stairs in the Tuškanac city park, named after Šandor von Alexander of Sesvete.U tekstu je prikazana povijest zagrebačke židovske obitelji Alexander (Aleksander) koja je nešto manje od stotinu godina igrala važnu ulogu u gospodarskom, kulturnom i društvenom životu Zagreba i Hrvatske. U trenutku dolaska u Zagreb, svi su bili židovske vjeroispovijesti, da bi do
1941. godine veći dio obitelji prešao na katoličanstvo, a jedan među njima bio je i evangelik. Obitelj se sredinom 19. stoljeća doselila iz Gradišća (Burgenlanda) u Zagreb. Po dolasku u Zagreb, otvorili su trgovine, no kako su bili skloni neumornom radu, vrlo brzo su napredovali u hrvatskom društvu, te su pred kraj 19. stoljeća postali jedna od uglednijih i imućnijih obitelji u Zagrebu i Hrvatskoj, a i šire. U drugoj generaciji, članovi ove obitelji istaknuli su se kao vrsni liječnici, pravnici, inženjeri, umjetnici, profesori i poduzetnici. Po dolasku u Zagreb, sklapali su brakove sa najstarijim i vrlo utjecajnim zagrebačkim židovskim i katoličkim obiteljima, družili se s plemstvom te tako sklapali unosna poznanstva i veze koje su im omogućile ubrzani uspon u društvu. Bili su kozmopoliti, s jednom nogom u Zagrebu, s drugom u Beču, a ni Budimpešta im nije bila strana. Među njima, svojim sposobnostima isticala su se dvojica braće Aleksander/Šandor (1866-1929.) i Samuel David (1862-1943.). Bili su ugledni industrijalci i osnivači zagrebačke pivovare, tvornice slada, uljare, cementare i drugih industrijskih postrojenja u Zagrebu. Bili su u odboru nekoliko zagrebačkih banaka i osnivači su nekoliko industrijskih udruženja. Posebno su se istaknuli za vrijeme Prvoga svjetskoga rata, te je zbog zasluga na humanitarnom polju, Aleksander dobio ugarsko plemstvo. Niti ulazak u Kraljevinu SHS/Jugoslaviju nije pogoršao njihovu poziciju, dapače, nastavili su i dalje
uspješno poslovati. Kada je počeo Drugi svjetski rat, veći dio obitelji iselio se iz Nezavisne Države Hrvatske, te je tek nekolicina stradala u Holokaustu. Danas potomci ove velike obitelji žive u Izraelu, Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama, Italiji, Zagrebu, a o njihovom postojanju svjedoče jedino stube na Tuškancu koje nose ime Šandora pl. Alexandera Sesvetskog.W tekście zaprezentowana jest historia rodziny Alexander (Aleksander), żydowskiej rodziny z Zagrzebia, która prawie przez sto lat odgrywała ważną rolę w gospodarczym, kulturalnym i społecznym życiu miasta oraz całej Chorwacji. W czasie osiedlenia się w Zagrzebiu wszyscy członkowie rodziny byli wyznawcami judaizmu, jednak do 1941 roku większość z nich przeszła na katolicyzm, a jeden z nich dołączył do wyznawców kościoła ewangelickiego. Rodzina do Zagrzebia przybyła w połowie XIX wieku z terenu Gradišće (Burgenland). Po osiedleniu się zaczęła działać w handlu, a ponieważ członkowie rodziny byli niezwykle pracowici, już przed końcem XIX wieku rodzina stała się jedną z najbardziej szanowanych i majętnych, zarówno w Zagrzebiu, jak i w Chorwacji, a nawet poza nią. Już w drugim pokoleniu członkowie rodziny wyróżniali się jako znakomici lekarze, prawnicy, inżynierowie, artyści, profesorowie i przedsiębiorcy. W Zagrzebiu zawierali małżeństwa z członkami wpływowych rodzin, zarówno żydowskich, jak i katolickich, pozostawali w stosunkach towarzyskich z lokalną elitą i w ten sposób zyskali wysoki status w otoczeniu. Byli kosmopolitami: życie dzielili między Zagrzeb i Wiedeń, a i Budapeszt nie był im obcy. Wśród nich swoimi talentami wyróżniali się bracia Aleksander/Šandor (1866-1929) i Samuel David (1862-1943). Byli szanowanymi przemysłowcami: założyli zagrzebski browar, fabrykę słodu, olejarnię, cementownię i inne obiekty przemysłowe w Zagrzebiu. Zasiadali w zarządach kilku zagrzebskich banków, założyli także kilka towarzystw przemysłowych. Wyróżnili się w czasie I wojny światowej, a Aleksander otrzymał węgierski tytuł szlachecki za swoją działalność humanitarną. Okres Królestwa SHS/Jugosławii również nie zagroził ich pozycji, co więcej - nadal z powodzeniem pracowali i działali. Po wybuchu II wojny światowej większość członków rodziny opuściła Niezależne Państwo Chorwackie, kilkoro z nich zginęło w czasie Holokaustu. Obecnie potomkowie tej wielkiej rodziny mieszkają w Izraelu, Stanach Zjednoczonych Ameryki, we Włoszech oraz w Zagrzebiu, a o ich obecności w historii miasta świadczą schody na Tuškanacu, które noszą imię Šandora Alexandra Sesveckiego.Thematic issue "Sephardim, Ashkenazim and Non-Jewish Peoples: Encounters Across Europe".In the documents and sources, the Alexander family name appears in various forms, such as Alexander, Alexandar, Aleksander, Aleksandar; in this text, is used the German version - Alexander.This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 PL License (creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/pl/), which permits redistribution, commercial and non-commercial, provided that the article is properly cited
About transgenerational trauma
No full textNVO Haver Srbija organizovala je u julu 2020. godine organizovala vitruelnu konferenciju „Kako možemo prevazići traumu izazvanu događajima u Nezavisnoj državi Hrvatskoj tokom Drugog svetskog rata“. Prvi deo konferencije održan je u nedelju 19. jula , a drugi deo nedelju dana kasnije, 26. jula. Konferencija se bavila kulturom, sećanja, posledicama višegeneracijeske traume, pomirenjem i prevazilaženjem posledica traume kroz međuetnički i međureligijski dialog, muziku, umetnost i lično isceljenje. Na konferenciji su govorili i preživeli i njihovi potomci, Dani Novak, Dušan Bastašić, Dijamanti Beraha Kovačević i Mirijam Aviezer, istoričari dr Rory Yeomans, dr Aleksandar Stojanović, dr Darko Gavrilović, Prof.dr Tijana Mandić, profesorka Nada Banjanin Đuričić, novinarka Nada Ljubić, muzičar, kantor i producent Stefan Sablić i operski pevač i dirigent hora ”Braća Baruh”, Stefan Zekić. Inicijator konferencije bio je gospodin Dani Novak, sin preživelih Holokausta.In July 2020, the NGO Haver Serbia organized a virtual conference "How can we overcome the trauma caused by the events in the Independent State of Croatia during the Second World War". The first part of the conference was held on Sunday, July 19, and the second part a week later, on July 26. The conference dealt with culture, memories, the consequences of multigenerational trauma, reconciliation and overcoming the consequences of trauma through inter-ethnic and inter-religious dialogue, music, art and personal healing. Survivors and their descendants, Dani Novak, Dušan Bastašić, Dijamanti Beraha Kovačević and Mirijam Aviezer, historians Dr. Rory Yeomans, Dr. Aleksandar Stojanović, Dr. Darko Gavrilović, Prof. Dr. Tijana Mandić, Professor Nada Banjanin Đuričić, journalist Nada Ljubić spoke at the conference, musician, cantor and producer Stefan Sablić and opera singer and conductor of the "Braća Baruh" choir, Stefan Zekić. Mr Dani Novak the son of Holocaust survivors was the initiator of the conference.Trajanje 31:57 minuta (duration 31:57 minutes).YouTube link: [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=w4PXVNMDhKo
Struggle, laughter and survival: Partisan Haggada - the only Jewish-Spanish parody of the Passover Hagada, created in Yugoslav free territory during the Holocaust (online lecture)
Get PDFKao i kod drugih tradicionalnih etno-konfesionalnih skupina, i kod sefardskih Jevreja je sve do Holokausta primarna grana parodije bila parodija sakra. Imajući u u vidu hebreo-centričnost jevrejske svete literature, nije začuđujuće što je Pashalna agada, kao jedan od rijetkih liturgijskih tekstova koji se u cjelini izvodio i na narodnom, jevrejsko-španskom jeziku, kako bi se obezbijedilo učešće žena i djece u centralnom godišnjem kučnom obredu, postala omiljeni hipotekst sefardskih parodista. Danas je poznato stotinjak pashalnih parodija na jevrejsko-španskom jeziku. Većina je nastala tokom druge polovine 19. i prve polovine 20. stoljeća, prvenstveno Balkanu, ali i u Tel-Avivu, Nju-Jorku, Kurasau i Beču. Jedna od najnesvakidašnjijih sefardskih pashalnih satira je je Partizanska agada Šaloma Šanija Altarca, nastala na slobodnoj jugoslovenskoj teritoriji, u Kordunu, Lici i Baniji 1944. godine. Dok su ostale sefardske parodije na Pashalnu agadu bile prvenstveno tekstualnog karaktera, objavljivane kao praznični dodaci humorističkim sefardskim listovima, i bile namijenjene za pojedinačno čitanje „u sebi“, dotle je Šanijeva Partizanska agada zapravo, stendap komedija.
Njen tvorac je partizanski borac zadužen za kulturni rad sa borcima i pozadinom (jevrejskim izbjeglicama i lokalnim civilima na slobodnoj teritoriji). Utoliko, njegova agada sadrži i srpsko-hrvatske pasuse (koji su se obraćali i jevrejskoj i nejevrejskoj publici), osim očekivanih jevrejsko-španskih. Ovi potonji, međutim, imali su, pored satirične funkcije, i didaktičku: da poduče jevrejske civile na slobodnoj teritoriji da ih Saveznici nikada neće evakuisati u južnu Italiju, te da nerealne nade zamijene praktičnijim uklapanjem u život na oslobođenoj teritoriji. Pred nama je dakle jedinstven i neponovljiv performativni tekst iz vremena Holokausta, koji govori o Holokaustu na jedan karnevaleskni način. Kao da sve do sada rečeno nije dovoljno neobično, Partizanska agada je poslije rata postala i nezvaničnim dijelom zvanične kolektivne pashalne večere u Jevrejskoj opštini Sarajevo. Razlozi koji su naveli malobrojne bosanske Jevreje koji su preživjeli NDH teror da se Holokausta sjećaju upravo kroz jedan humoristički tekst može se razumjeti samo u kontekstu želje za uspostavljanjem protivteže mitologizirajućem SFRJ narativu o Holokaustu, u kome su se gubili stvarni ljudski obrisi pojedinačnih žrtava.As with other traditional ethno-confessional groups, for the Sephardic Jews until the Holocaust, the primary branch of parody was the Parodia sacra. Given the Hebrew-centric nature of Jewish sacred literature, it is not surprising that the Passover Haggadah, as one of the few liturgical texts performed in its entirety in Hebrew-Spanish, to ensure the participation of women and children in the central annual house ceremony, became a favorite hypotext of Sephardic parodists. Today, about a hundred Passover parodies in the Hebrew-Spanish language are known. Most of them were created during the second half of the 19th and the first half of the 20th century, primarily in the Balkans, but also in Tel Aviv, New York, Kurasau, and Vienna. One of the most unusual Sephardic Passover satires is the "Partisan Agada" by Šalom Šani Altarac, created on the free Yugoslav territory, in Kordun, Lika and Banija in 1944. While other Sephardic parodies of the Passover Haggadah were primarily of textual nature, published as holiday additions to humorous Sephardic papers, and were intended for individual reading "in themselves", Šani's "Partisan Agada" is in fact a stand-up comedy. Its creator is a partisan fighter in charge of cultural work with fighters and the background (Jewish refugees and local civilians in the free territory). To that extent, his Haggadah also contains Serbo-Croatian passages (which addressed both Jewish and non-Jewish audiences), in addition to the expected Jewish-Spanish ones. The latter, however, had, in addition to a satirical function, a didactic one: to teach Jewish civilians in free territory that the Allies would never evacuate them to southern Italy and to replace unrealistic hopes with a more practical fit into life in liberated territory. We, therefore, have before us a unique and unrepeatable performative text from the time of the Holocaust, which talks about the Holocaust in a carnival way. As if what has been said so far is not unusual enough, after the war, the "Partisan Agada" became an unofficial part of the official collective Passover dinner in the Jewish community of Sarajevo. The reasons that led the few Bosnian Jews who survived NDH (Independent State of Croatia) terror to remember the Holocaust through a humorous text can only be understood in the context of the desire to counterbalance the mythologizing SFRY narrative of the Holocaust, in which the real human outlines of individual victims were lost.Trajanje 01:50:04 minuta (duration 01:50:04 minutes).U prilogu: tekst sa komentarima "Partizanske Agade" i audio zapis sa originalnom izvedbom Šanija Altarca.Predavanje održano 23. novembra 2020. godine od 12 do 14 časova preko ZOOM platforme (https://zoom.us/j/96465365609).The lecture was held on November 23, 2020, from 12:00 to 14:00 via the ZOOM platform (https://zoom.us/j/96465365609)Attachment: text with comments by "Partizanska Agada" and audio record with the original performance of Shani Altarac
Looking for Avram Levi Sadić
Get PDF"Avram Levi Sadić ought to have been forgotten. No one should have remembered him. No one even remembered what he had looked like. No one had kept his photo in their family album. It could be said that no one cared. Even the whereabouts of his grave was unknown. His name did not appear on any list of the millions of Holocaust victims, not even at Yad Vashem. Avram Levi Sadić should have sunk into that dark sea of eternal oblivion, at the bottom of which rest millions no one remembers anymore. The only thing that did remain, that was proof of his existence, was the evidence of his various properties, all of which have survived numerous dismantlings. All that vast property empire has been variously taken apart by all. Firstly, by the invading Germans. In 1941 they were seen throwing bales of socks out of the broken windows, of Avram’s Kljuc Sock Factory. These bales were loaded onto waiting trucks. Those same socks were transported by train to various fronts, and most probably warmed the feet of German soldiers.
Next came the Ustashas. They illegally appropriated his luxury apartment. He was then forced to live in a derelict property in Magrabija Street. From there, Avram eventually escaped to Mostar. The dismemberment continued, on behalf of the people, by Tito's communists. They nationalized everything that survived Avram. Following the Ustashas, the national hero and Communist Vasa Butozan moved into Avram`s luxury apartment. Czech communists also nationalized the four luxury buildings in Karlovy Vary center. Culminating in Avram’s whole portfolio, being confiscated and nationalized by Tito`s Yugoslavia. The complete dismantling was finalized in the aftermath of the Yugoslav disintegration. It is strange but evitable that the most recent owners of Avram’s properties have used his name to attach a byword/ label of high quality and long tradition to their newly acquired ownership of his former property. It all began one day when I picked up the telephone; I was at home in Israel at that time. The caller introduced himself as Amir Ibrišimović. He stated that he was calling in connection with the property of an Avram Levi Sadic. He then informed me of his extensive database detailing the vast assets of the said Avram Levi Sadic, and that he was looking for his living heirs, given that Avram was one of the most powerful, influential, and wealthiest people in the region in the pre-World War II period..."Radna verzija na srpsko-hrvatskom jeziku takođe se nalazi u ovom Repozitorijumu (working versions in Serbo-Croatian are also available in this Repository).Finalna verzija rada objavljena je kao Poseban broj 27. siječnja 2021. godine na hrvatskom i engleskom jeziku u Glasniku B'nai B'rith "Gavro Schwartz", Hrvatska (the final version of the paper was published as a Special edition on January 27, 2021 in Croatian and English in the Voice of B'nai B'rith "Gavro Schwartz", Croatia)
From Topovske šupe to Staro Sajmište: a quantitative analysis of the Holocaust in occupied Serbia
Get PDFOva knjiga ima za cilj da putem numeričkog određenja i kvantitativne analize ličnih podataka stradalih civila pokrije do sada nedovoljno obrađenu temu unutrašnje strukture u Holokaustu pretrpljenih gubitaka jevrejske zajednice sa ove teritorije. Da bi se razmere stradanja jevrejske zajednice okupirane Srbije pravilno shvatile potrebno ih je komparativno prikazati, odnosno sagledati u odnosu na pretrpljene gubitke drugih naroda sa okupirane teritorije. Zbog ovoga je Holokaust jedinstvena pojava i najekstremniji oblik do sada poznatog genocida i prva pojava nekih vrsta zločinačkih ubistava i zločinačkog mišljenja. Stradanje Jevreja iz okupirane Srbije samo je deo šireg i mnogo većeg zločina počinjenog nad ovim narodom i ne može se posmatrati van evropskog konteksta. Jevrejska zajednica sa teritorije okupirane Srbije, iako mala po broju pripadnika, a samim time i po broju stradalih u kontekstu Holokausta u Evropi, ipak je privukla pažnju istoričarima. Dosadašnjim saznanjima o stradanju Jevreja okupirane Srbije potrebno je dodati istraživanje koje bi obradilo unutrašnju strukturu pretrpljenih gubitaka jevrejske zajednice. U radu ćemo pokušati da pružimo odgovore na brojna pitanja: odakle su stradali Jevreji i kada su izgubili živote, odnosno odredićemo vremenski raspon Holokausta, te postoje li razlike u stradanju u zavisnosti od zavičajne pripadnosti ili broja pripadnika zajednice koji je nastanjivao datu teritoriju; da li su postojale i, ako jesu, kakve su bile razlike u stradanju u zavisnosti od veličine naselja iz kojih su poticali; kakva je bila polna, starosna i profesionalna struktura stradalih, te da li su postojale i, ukoliko jesu, kakve su razlike u njihovom stradanju, odnosno da li su postojale razlike u stradanju u zavisnosti od dela okupirane Srbije iz koga su poticali (deo teksta iz Predgovora).The study "From ‘Topovske šupe’ to “Sajmište” concentration camp, quantitative analysis of the Holocaust in occupied Serbia" aims to cover the hitherto insufficiently researched topic of the internal structure of the Jewish community losses from this territory during the Holocaust. This was done by numerical determination and quantitative analysis of personal data of killed Jews, as well as by comparing their losses in relation to the losses suffered by civilians from other communities from the territory of occupied Serbia. Each number of victims, which is shown in the paper, regardless of its numerical proportions, should be viewed as the sum of individuals whose lives and personal histories existed (part of the text from the Summary of the book).Die Studie „Vom KZ „Toposvke šupe“ (Kanonen-Schuppen) bis zum KZ „Sajmište“ / „Semlin Judenlager“. Eine quantitative Analyse des Holocausts im okkupierten Serbien“ hat zum Ziel, ein bisher nicht genügend bearbeitetes Thema der inneren Struktur im Holocaust erlittener Verluste der jüdischen Gemeinschaft auf diesem Territorium mittels numerischer Bestimmungen und quantitativer Analyse persönlicher Daten der getöteten Zivilisten zu bearbeiten, um dann die Daten komparativ darzustellen im Verhältnis zu den erlittenen Verlusten der anderen Völker auf dem Territorium des okkupierten Serbiens. Jede Opferzahl, die in dieser Arbeit angegeben wird, unabhängig der Grössenordnung, muss als Summer der Personen betrachtet werden, hinter denen Leben und persönliche Geschichte standen (teil des Textes aus dem Zusammenfassung).The English edition entitled "From Topovske šupe to Sajmište concentration camps: a quantitative analysis of the Holocaust in occupied Serbia" can be downloaded via the link [https://jevrejskadigitalnabiblioteka.rs/handle/123456789/2663
Transgeneracijsko pamćenje: od pre-Holokausta do post-Jugoslavije
Get PDFThe study focuses on Fanika as an example of documentary writing by first and second-generation survivors, i.e. women in the mother-daughter relationship (Hanna Altarac/Fanika Lučić and Branka Jovičić), both from Sarajevo, Yugoslavia. The timeline of the life story of Hanna/Fanika, born in 1922 in a Sephardic family from Sarajevo, coincides on the macro level with the history of Yugoslavia (the establishment of the state and the interwar period, World War Two and the Holocaust, the postwar socialist period, the break-up of the country and post-Yugoslavia), which is important for the contextualization of the narrative. We have analyzed the motivation of first-generation survivor Fanika Lučić to present her memories of the Holocaust, highlighting the importance of communicative memory as an instrument of their transmission to a second-generation survivor as well as the process involved in their transfer from private to the public narrative. Further analysis refers to the generic frames of the narrative, its hybrid character, and its liminal position at a point where biography and autobiography meet and interact. Mediation is a key procedure in Fanika, so attention has been dedicated to determining the degrees of mediation, their variation throughout the narrative and their impact on the substructures (narrative segments). Finally, we have identified, interpreted, and contextualized several gender markers appearing at various levels of the text. In conclusion, the book was designed not only to transmit the Holocaust testimony of Fanika Lučić, but also to provide a biographical account of her life in socialist Yugoslavia, her experience of the war in Bosnia, and the final phase of her life as a Canadian immigrant. Transgenerational memory and gender play a key role in the hybrid structure of this book, which is a welcome contribution to Yugoslav Holocaust literature.Artykuł analizuje książkę Fanika jako przykład prozy dokumentalnej, autorstwa dwóch kobiet należących kolejno do pierwszego i drugiego pokolenia ocalałych z Holokaustu. Są to pochodzące z Sarajewa matka i córka - Hanna Altarac/Fanika Lučic i Branka Jovičic. Ramy czasowe historii życia Hanny/Faniki (ur. 1922 w sefardyjskiej rodzinie) zbiegają się z historią Jugosławii (powstanie państwa i okres międzywojenny, II wojna światowa i Holokaust, powojenny socjalistyczny okres, rozpad kraju i okres postjugosłowiański), co stanowi istotny punkt wyjścia dla kontekstualizacji narracji. W artykule poddano analizie zarówno motywację ocalałej z pierwszego pokolenia Faniki Lučić do przedstawienia swoich wspomnień z Holokaustu, podkreślając znaczenie pamięci komunikacyjnej jako narzędzia służącego do przekazywania wspomnień ocalałemu z drugiego pokolenia, jak i proces transferu wspomnień z narracji prywatnej do publicznej. Dalsza analiza odnosi się do ogólnych ram narracji, jej hybrydowego charakteru i jej pozycji liminalnej w punkcie, w którym biografia i autobiografia spotykają się i współdziałają. Ponieważ mediacja jest procedurą kluczową w Fanice, zwrócono uwagę na określenie stopnia mediacji, jej zmienności poprzez narrację, a także jej wpływu na narracyjne podstruktury (segmenty narracyjne). Wreszcie zidentyfikowano, zinterpretowano i osadzono w kontekście kilka wyznaczników płci pojawiających się na różnych poziomach tekstu. Podsumowując, książka miała na celu nie tylko przekazanie świadectwa o Holokauście Faniki Lučić, ale także przedstawienie biograficznego opisu jej życia w socjalistycznej Jugosławii, jej doświadczeń wojny w Bośni i ostatniej fazy jej życia jako imigrantki w Kanadzie. Pamięć międzypokoleniowa i płeć odgrywają kluczową rolę w hybrydowej strukturze tej książki, która wnosi istotny wkład do jugosłowiańskiej literatury Holokaustu.Ovo je studija o knjizi Fanika, dokumentarnoj prozi autora koji pripadaju prvoj generaciji koji su preživeli Holokaust i drugoj generaciji koju čine njihova deca. To su majka i ćerka (Hana Altarac / Fanika Lučić i Branka Jovičić), obe iz Sarajeva. Vremenski period obrađen u knjizi obuhvata životnu priču Hane/Fanike, rođene 1922. u jednoj sarajevskoj sefardskoj porodici, priču koja se na makro-nivou podudara s istorijskim trajanjem Jugoslavije (uspostavljanje države i međuratni period, Drugi svetski rat i holokaust, posleratno socijalističko razdoblje, razbijanje zemlje i post-Jugoslovensko vreme), što je važno za kontekstualizaciju ovog narativa. Analizirali smo motivaciju Fanike Lučić da predstavi svoja sećanja na holokaust, naglašavajući pri tome značaj komunikativne memorije kao instrumenta transmisije sećanja, ali i kao procesa njihovog prenošenja iz privatnog domena u sferu javnog diskursa. Dalja analiza odnosi se na žanrovske okvire narativa, njegovo hibridno određenje, kao i njegovu graničnu poziciju koja omogućava susret biografije i autobiografije i njihovu interakciju. Pošto je posredovanje postupak od ključnog značaja u Faniki, posvetili smo pažnju utvrđivanju stepenovanja posredovanja, njegovoj varijaciji kroz narativ, kao i njegovom uticaju na pripovedne substrukture (narativne segmente). Takođe smo identifikovali, tumačili i kontekstualizovali nekoliko rodnih markera koji se javljaju na različitim nivoima teksta. Knjiga Fanika osmišljena je tako da omogući ne samo prenošenje svedočanstva Fanike Lučić o Holokaustu, nego i predstavljanje njenog života u socijalističkoj Jugoslaviji i njenog iskustva rata u Bosni, kao i da pruži uvid u poslednju fazu Fanikinog života - iseljeništva u Kanadi. Transgeneracijska memorija i rod igraju ključnu ulogu u hibridnoj strukturi ove knjige, koja predstavlja dobrodošli doprinos jugoslovenskoj literaturi o Holokaustu.Thematic issue "Sephardim, Ashkenazim and Non-Jewish Peoples: Encounters Across Europe".This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 PL License (creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/pl/), which permits redistribution, commercial and non-commercial, provided that the article is properly cited
Can the holocaust happen again?
Get PDFU Šapcu je 2. septembra 2019. godine, u organizaciji opštine Šabac, Instituta za filozofiju i društvenu teoriju Univerziteta u Beogradu i Trećeg programa Radio Beograda, u okviru „Dana jevrejske kulture“ u šabačkoj sinagogi održan okrugli sto o temi Da li se Holokaust može ponoviti? Rasprava je bila podeljena u tri segmenta, odnosno svaki od učesnika odgovarao je na tri pitanja: 1) jedinstvenost Holokausta; 2) zlo; 3) predstavljanje Holokausta...In Šabac, on September 2, 2019, organized by the municipality of Šabac, the Institute for Philosophy and Social Theory of the University of Belgrade and the Third Program of Radio Belgrade, a round table was held in the Šabac synagogue as part of the "Day of Jewish Culture" on the topic: Can the Holocaust happen again? The discussion was divided into three segments, i.e., each participant answered three questions: 1) the uniqueness of the Holocaust; 2) evil; 3) presenting the Holocaust...Diskusija sa okruglog stola
Svake godine jedno ime: Erika Furst: Aušvic i prostor bivše Jugoslavije: međunarodni naučni skup: rezimei predavanja: Univerzitetska biblioteka Maribor, Glazer Hall, 24.01.2020.
Get PDFNa svetu ni kraja, ki bi bil bolj zaznamovan s holokavstom, kot je koncentracijsko taborišče Auschwitz. Auschwitz je postal cilj skoraj vseh transportov Judov ki jih je organiziral Adolf Eichmann (1906, Solingen - 1962, Ramla), šele potem, ko so bili v taborišću Auschwitz II - Birkenau do poletja leta 1943 zgrajeni krematoriji (in plinske celice) II, III, IV in V z dnevno zmogljivostjo 4.416 Ijudi in so do jeseni istega leta prenehala delovati uničevalna taborisča Belžec, Majdanek in Sobibor. Zaradi pomena, ki ga je Birkenau sicer postopoma dobil za "dokončno rešitev judovskega vprašanja", je bilo od okoli 1,3 milijona Ijudi, poslanih v Auschwitz, kar okoli 1,1 milijona (ali 85 %) Judov. Judje zato predstavljajo tudi ogromno večino Žrtev Auschwitza: 960.000 (ali 87 %) od skupnega števila 1,1 milijona žrtev. Ubijanje je bilo izvedeno tako, da je Birkenau upravičeno dobil ime "tovarna smrti". Učinkovitost ubijanja Judov so ves čas izboljševali: zadnji korak je bilo maja 1944 dokončano podaljšanje železniških tirov skozi t. i. Vrata smrti do krematorijev (in plinskih celic) II in III. To je pomenilo, da so tisti Judje, ki so bili selekcionirani za smrt, od prihoda do smrti živeli samo še uro ali dve.Ne postoji mjesto na svijetu koje je više obilježeno holokaustom od koncentracijskog logora Auschwitz. Auschwitz je postao odredište gotovo svih transporta Židova koje je organizirao Adolf Eichmann (1906., Solingen - 1962., Ramla), tek nakon što su do ljeta 1943. u logoru Auschwitz II - Birkenau izgrađeni krematoriji (i plinske komore) II, III, IV i V s dnevnim kapacitetom od 4416 ljudi, a do jeseni iste godine prestaju s radom logori smrti Belzec, Majdanek i Sobibor. Zbog važnosti koju je Birkenau postupno dobivao za "konačno rješenje židovskog pitanja", od oko 1,3 milijuna ljudi poslanih u Auschwitz, čak 1,1 milijun (ili 85%) bili su Židovi. Židovi stoga predstavljaju i veliku većinu žrtava Auschwitza: 960.000 (ili 87%) od ukupnog broja od 1,1 milijun žrtava. Ubijanje je izvedeno na način da je Birkenau s pravom prozvan „tvornicom smrti“. Učinkovitost ubijanja Židova neprestano se poboljšavala: posljednji korak bio je dovršetak produžetka željezničke pruge u svibnju 1944. godine tzv. Vrata smrti u krematorij (i plinske komore) II i III. To je značilo da su oni Židovi koji su odabrani za smrt živjeli samo sat ili dva od dolaska do smrti.There is no place in the world that is more marked by the Holocaust than the Auschwitz concentration camp. Auschwitz became the destination of almost all transports of Jews organized by Adolf Eichmann (1906, Solingen - 1962, Ramla), only after crematoria (and gas chambers) II, III, IV and V with a daily capacity of 4,416 people, and by the fall of the same year, the Belzec, Majdanek and Sobibor death camps cease to operate. Due to the importance that Birkenau gradually gained for the "final solution of the Jewish question", of the approximately 1.3 million people sent to Auschwitz, as many as 1.1 million (or 85%) were Jews. Jews, therefore, represent the vast majority of the victims of Auschwitz: 960,000 (or 87%) of the total number of 1.1 million victims. The killing was carried out in such a way that Birkenau was rightly called the "factory of death". The efficiency of killing Jews was constantly improving: the last step was the completion of the extension of the railway line in May 1944, the so-called Doors of death to the crematorium (and gas chambers) II and III. This meant that those Jews who were selected for death lived only an hour or two from arrival to death