Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi State Universit: Open Journal Systems / ივანე ჯავახიშვილის სახელობის თბილისის სახელმწიფო უნივერსიტეტი
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რუსეთის პირველი წლები და პლატონ იოსელიანი
No full textზაქარია ჭიჭინაძე (1853-1931) - ქართველი საზოგადო მოღვაწე, ქართული ლიტერატურისა და ისტორიის მკვლევარი
FARA- უცხოელი აგენტების რეგისტრაციის აქტი
Full text linkამერიკის შეერთებულ შტატებში ლობიზმი სრულიად ლეგალური მოვლენაა, რომელიც ფართოდ გამოიყენება დაინტერესებული ჯგუფების მიერ და კანონით მკაცრად რეგულირდება. ლობისტური საქმიანობა აშშ-ში სრულიად გამჭვირვალეა, რასაც უზრუნველყოფს ლობისტების მიერ ამ კანონების ფარგლებში წარდგენილი სრული ინფორმაცია მათ მიერ განხორციელებული ლობისტური აქტივობების შესახებ. ამერიკის შეერთებული შტატები ლობისტური გამოწვევის წინაშე დადგა 1930-იან წლებში, როდესაც მათ კანონშემოქმედებით პროცესზე გავლენის მცდელობები საგანგაშოდ გაიზარდა სხვადასხვა ქვეყნის წარმომადგენლების მხრიდან. 1938 წელს კონგრესმა მიიღო უცხოელი აგენტების რეგისტრაციის აქტი FARA (Foreign Agents Registration Act). ეს იყო პირველი ოფიციალური მცდელობა საკანონმდებლო დონეზე შეეკავებინათ ლობიზმის უკონტროლო გავლენა ამერიკის შიდა თუ საგარეო პოლიტიკაზე. მკვლევართა დიდი ნაწილის აზრით, FARA-ს შემოღება უკავშირდებოდა ნაცისტური მოძრაობის ლობირების შეკავების მცდელობას, რომელსაც ჰიტლერი აფინანსებდა. თავდაპირვველად უცხოელი აგენტების რეგისტრაციის აქტი სრულყოფილად ვერ აკონტროლებდა უცხოელი მთავრობების, ორგანიზაციებისა თუ მოძრაობების ლობისტურ საქმიანობას, ვინაიდან კანონი არ ითხოვდა მეტ გამჭვირვალობას. წლების განმავლობაში არაერთი შესწორებისა და რეფორმის შემდეგ, FARA მოითხოვს დეტალური და სრულყოფილად გაწერილი ინფორმაციის წარდგენას უცხოელი დამქირავებლების მიერ ამერიკის იუსტიციის დეპარტამენტში. დღეს ნებისმიერი მთავრობა, უცხოური დიდი სავაჭრო ორგანიზაცია თუ სხვა დაინტერესებული პირი ან გაერთიანება, ვალდებულია სრულიად გამჭვირვალედ წარადგინოს საკუთარი ინტერესების შესახებ ინფორმაცია FARA-ს ქვეშ, მათ შორის დახარჯული ფინანსებისა და დროის შესახებ. გოგიბერიძე, გ. (2012). ლობიზმი და მისი რეგულირების სამართლებრივი ასპექტები.https://press.tsu.ge/data/image_db_innova/disertaciebi_samartali/gia_gogiberidze.pdf 25.10.2024Atieh, J. (2010). FOREIGN AGENTS: UPDATING FARA TO PROTECT AMERICAN DEMOCRACYhttps://scholarship.law.upenn.edu/jil/vol31/iss4/4/ 22.10.2024Brown, C. (2017). The Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA): A Legal Overviewhttps://scholarship.law.missouri.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2928&context=mlr 12.10.2024Congressional Research Service. (2023). Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA): A Legal Overview. https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/pdf/IF/IF11439 26.10.2024Laufer, S. (2017). A DIFFERENCE IN APPROACH: COMPARING THE US FOREIGN AGENTS REGISTRATION ACT WITH OTHER LAWS TARGETING INTERNATIONALLY FUNDED CIVIL SOCIETYhttps://www.icnl.org/wp-content/uploads/Samantha-Laufer.pdf 22.10.2024O’ Hara, F. (1965). The Foreign Agents Registration Act - The Spotlight Of Pitiless The Foreign Agents Registration Act - The Spotlight Of Pitiless Publicityhttps://digitalcommons.law.villanova.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1663&context=vlr 05.10.2024Public Citizen (2005). Lobbying Rules: Foreign Agents Registration Act. https://www.citizen.org/wp-content/uploads/fara.pdf 28.10.2024Sanderson, M. (2020). A History of the FARA Unit. https://www.fara.us/a-history-of-the-fara-unit#_edn38 22.10.2024Simral, V. Enforcing Lobbying Ruleshttps://d1wqtxts1xzle7.cloudfront.net/81834652/download-libre.pdf?1646657937=&response-content-disposition=inline%3B+filename%3DEnforcing_Lobbying_Rules.pdf&Expires=1734391462&Signature=L79rK-tUosw9om57XnwfRbuhiD2jlQkjtqzoPyKqmcjlNTE2WrOsA055LuunQYnyDz0Xlui7uQoMiEJrpcLfuRvVGFePygIaCXb9fHQjtE8l5KWhj4MNIgPcUIwF40cQYdG2ngXu1SrkuTPR8XK9IvMnQSJabJCeAM6QdAS-nLzgv3pAblNsj9U1FjgF2ku9MCvbOasSL506W3jli01N~Jetb5FTfnCsQDMcQBxoM6o82xrcOUo1DxxI6Kk-FG27NXNw~Tv6kJwLTLOh0OIL-5FXCpxlg8f0F4pqowuCQeyCwE0vJbeursFJuHlCSlGhqUEF8lROBDfIEpdzYXBFMQ__&Key-Pair-Id=APKAJLOHF5GGSLRBV4ZA 13.10.202Waters, R. (1988). Foreign Agents Registration Act: How Open Should the Foreign Agents Registration Act: How Open Should the Marketplace of Ideas Be, Thehttps://scholarship.law.missouri.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2928&context=mlr 06.10.2024Young you, H. (2020). Foreign Agents Registration Act: a user’s guidehttps://hyeyoungyou.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/11.-you-iga-2021.pdf 25.09.202
The Democratic Republic of Georgia and the Second International
Full text linkThe ruling political force of the Democratic Republic of Georgia, the Social Democratic Labor Party, expressed its desire to join the Second International in February 1919 at the Berne Conference of the International. In April of that year, the Amsterdam Conference granted this request and admitted the Georgian party to the Second International.This article covers the visit of the leaders of this international organization (Karl Kautsky, James Ramsay MacDonald, Pierre Renaudel, Emile Vandervelde, and others) to Georgia in the fall of 1920 and the delegation's meetings with representatives of the public from across the country. The guests learned about Georgia's past, culture, and traditions, as well as the achievements and challenges of state building. They emerged with the impression that a new model of democratic socialism was taking root in this small republic in the South Caucasus, one that could serve as an example for other small nations seeking independence. The members of the delegation rendered good service to the Georgian state in their countries, spoke out in defense of its rights and made serious efforts to ensure international recognition of the Democratic Republic of Georgia
Status of EU Membership Candidate for Georgia - a New Reality in the Caucasus
No full text The Russian-Ukrainian war has put both the European Union and the Caucasus states in a new reality. The European Union took steps towards enlargement, Moldova and Ukraine were given the opportunity to start accession negotiations, and Georgia received candidate status for membership in December 2023. Georgia’s EU candidate status has also somewhat changed the reality in the region. Against the background of the war with Azerbaijan and, in general, the processes taking place in Armenia in recent years, when the country is trying to reduce its dependence on Russia, Georgia has become a link with Europe. This means that the future foreign policy of Armenia depends on Georgia to some extent.The article discusses the transformation of Armenia’s positions both, towards the West, as well as towards Russia, aftermath of the Armenian-Azerbaijanian conflict and following to the developments of granting the EU candidate status to Georgia.
Drafts of the Act of Independence of May 26, 1918
Full text linkThe founding of a new state or the restoration of freedom lost by the old one, the founders of this state announce to their population and the international community by making and adopting an extraordinary political statement as for an event of special importance. In most cases, such a document is called the Declaration of Independence. It, like the constitution, is the most important legal and historical document of the country. In addition to its declaratory nature, the Act of Independence also has a purely normative nature. nature. Usually, it describes the prerequisites for the origin of a particular state, explains what led to the separation of a new state, defines the form of political organization of a given country, outlines the basic rights and responsibilities of citizens, emphasizes the value orientations of the ruling political elite or society, etc. The day of adoption of the declaration is considered the day of independence of this state.
Byzantine heritage and Soviet system
No full textThe study of the history of the great Byzantine Empire, stretching across the whole Eurasia during the Middle Ages, has a great importance in itself, but quite often it becomes the subject of the study of political scientists, both as a part of the history of political though and a realm of imperial structure and its general characteristics.There is a great interest towards the study of the Byzantine legacy in the western scientific circles. The problem is actual both in the Russian political thought as well as among the Russian scientists. The interest is remarkable in the political doctrine of the Russian Church and the creations of the Russian cultural figures. There are several films on the Byzantine history and arts, where the Russian political ambitions and pretenses towards the Byzantine legacy are openly staged.The newly born Byzantine, born as the New Rome, i.e. the new empire, was capable to live through in its young body, but later, being weakened and enfeebled, was unable to maintain the old face, the ambition of being sole empire of the God. The attempt was very unnatural and quite often even comic. Exactly this type of Rome could be called Bizantinizm. The same is true in respect with Russia, which tried to import Rome in its state from the second half of the 15th century, starting to call Moscow as the third Rome. Although these actions could be seen as the early steps of the Russian Renaissance, but the Renaissance came later, with the western type Russia of the Peter the Great.It is of our interest to consider the study of the Byzantine state ideology and its comparison with the soviet ideology. Where like the Byzantine Empire, there was one main ideology: one God – one Emperor; God - Pantocrator and Emperor - AutocratorSimilarly, the Soviet state was an ideological empire, with one defined ideology. The role of the head of the country, wich is like an emperor, included both the head of country and defender of ideological doctrine. Such was Stalin’s personality. In the Soviet Union, the cult of personality in the form of Stalin and his ideology to create homo soveticus, without any national values, also took central stage. The Soviet system, as they say, was "the inverted face of Byzantinism". The Soviet state seemed to be more than a secular state. It was not even a secular institution. It was a "Church" with its parodic head - leader, Communism builders council, party as a church. There is the Church of Christ, here is the leader's party. There Christ and the Church as one body, here the unity of the leader and the party K
2024 European Parliament elections
No full text This paper aims to determine the significance of the 2024 European Parliament elections and draw fundamental conclusions based on the current results. As we know, from June 6 to 9, 2024, the tenth regular elections of the European Parliament, the legislative body of the European Union, were held, in which the citizens of the 27 member states of the European Union participated and in total, 720 MEPs from different political groups were elected. The urgency of the mentioned issue is determined by the political, economic, military, and other challenges of the modern European Union, which, taken together, have the potential to create serious obstacles to the security architecture of the European Union. Significantly, the support of ultra-right, nationalist, and, among them, Eurosceptic political parties throughout the EU has increased substantially, which, accordingly, calls into question such fundamental issues as the enlargement of the EU to the east, including Georgia, the fate of the Russia-Ukraine war, the peaceful resolution of the EU immigration crisis, the readiness of the Eurozone against another powerful economic crisis, and many others. It should be noted that based on the analysis of the results of the 2024 European Parliament elections, it is possible to determine, on the one hand, what challenges the European Union is facing and, on the other hand, how they can be solved. Nevertheless, in terms of scientific and analytical articles, so far the information is only about the results of the 2024 European Parliament elections and not its in-depth analysis, which in turn is an obstacle, therefore, with the aid of the mentioned work, we will endeavor to determine the results of the 2024 European Parliament elections, and based on it, draw fundamental conclusions. To conclude, it is crucial to state that the findings summarized in the final part of the paper answer the question of which issues will be given priority in the European Parliament in 2024 and in terms of political influence, which group's authority in the European Parliament will be decisive.
The Study of Deliberative Processes: The Case of the Impeachment of Georgia's Fourth President
No full textThe study and analysis of deliberative processes is of particular interest to the scientific community. The research of discourse ethics and deliberation is especially relevant in Georgia, as the country faces significant challenges in the development of its democracy. The study of discourse ethics and deliberation contributes to the social and political culture essential for the democratic development of the country. In Georgia, as a hybrid regime state, it is crucial for both citizens and politicians to be able to engage in constructive dialogue and reach consensus, which guarantees the stability and effectiveness of the political system.
This paper presents an analysis of parliamentary debates surrounding the impeachment of Georgia’s fourth president, Salome Zourabichvili, using the method of quantitative measurement of discourse. The study of deliberative processes, based on Jürgen Habermas’s model rooted in deliberative democracy theory, involves analyzing the texts of public discussions with specific indicators to assess the quality and democracy of communication.
The paper provides an index of the discourse quality in the debates held in the Parliament of Georgia and evaluates the quality of specific debates through quantitative data. The research shows that out of a possible total of 50 points, the quality of the parliamentary debate in Georgia scored 33 points, indicating that the deliberative quality during parliamentary debates was significantly low, largely due to the low deliberation performance of the members of parliament