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Institutionnalisme et constitution. L’enjeu de la matérialité du droit
No full textL’institutionnalisme est une théorie du droit qui se développe dans le milieu du droit public. Ses deux grands fondateurs, Maurice Hauriou et Santi Romano, étaient tous les deux des juspublicistes et des constitutionnalistes. Le troisième institutionnaliste de notre histoire, un institutionnaliste hétérodoxe et plutôt opportuniste, est Carl Schmitt. Il n’est pas nécessaire ici de rappeler son rôle dans la doctrine et, hélas, dans la pratique constitutionnelle de l’Allemagne de Weimar. Et les continuateurs de cette version de pensée juridique – de l’institutionnalisme je veux dire – mais avec des schémas et des valeurs bien différents de ceux défendus par les fondateurs, Neil MacCormick et Ota Weinberger, ont eux aussi été beaucoup plus à leur aise avec le droit public qu’avec le droit privé.
2007. aasta aprillirahutused võimuteoreetilisest, julgeolekulisest ja semiootilisest vaatenurgast
No full textKuigi aprillirahutustest on möödas kümme aastat, pole veel ilmunud põhjalikumat akadeemilist käsitlust, mis kirjeldaks sündmuste olulise osapoole arusaama juhtunust ja selle tagamaadest. Käesolev artikkel toob lugejani ülevaate, mis näitab, kuidas julgeolekuringkondade ametnikud 2007. aasta aprillirahutusi tõlgendasid ja mõtestasid.
Зубовский институт: (Пост)фольклор переходного времени [The Zubov Institute: (Post)folklore of the Time of Troubles]
No full textThe article describes the lore of the Russian Institute of Art History (Zubov Institute) in the period from July 2013 to April 2014, i.e in the beginning of a series of highly unpopular measures imposed on this institution by the Ministry of Culture. It introduces some texts mocking the new director and her aides, and tells the story of how the Russian Institute of Art History functioned during the transitional period.
Lojaalsuskriis ja rahvusarmee formeerimine Ukrainas kolme Ukraina-Vene sõja kontekstis [Loyalty crisis and the formation of a national army in Ukraine in the context of three Ukrainian-Russian wars]
No full textThe article compares three Russian-Ukrainian wars which took place respectively through 1917–1918, 1919–1920 and since February 2014. In all these wars, Ukrainian troops fought for independence, but the diversity of Ukraine allowed Soviet Russia and the Russian Federation to establish a number of power centres which played at Ukrainian loyalties – be it to Russia at the imperial level, the Ukrainian Soviet Republic at the national level or a number of smaller people’s republics at the local level, with the aim of preventing the establishment of unity among Ukrainians
Multiple Faces of Conventional Political Activism: A Youth Council Case Study
No full textYouth political participation via state-sponsored institutional settlements has always been considered a goal of youth policies, representing a means of creating politically active and caring citizens. Throughout Europe, however, the number of politically active young people seems to be diminishing, with youth frequently described as apathetic and disengaged. While a growing body of academic research has concentrated on exploring the reasons behind political inactivity, this article explores the motivation and activities of some of the young people who are involved in institutionalised youth organisations, asking if the meanings behind institutional political participation are undergoing a process of change together with the rest of the society. Based on qualitative in-depth interviews, participant observation and analysis of documents (including online communication) collected as part of the research project MYPLACE, we examine the meanings young people attach to their participation. We show that the character of these organisations and motivations behind participation are miscellaneous; sometimes strikingly similar to the forms of participation not traditionally associated with political activism but rather ascribed to disengaged youth
Biopoliitiline normalisatsioon (bio)semiootilisest perspektiivist
No full textNüüdisaja ühiskonnateadustes on biopoliitikaga seotud problemaatika üha enam tähelepanu pälvinud. Kuigi biopoliitika ja biovõimu mõisted võttis 20. sajandi teisel poolel kasutusele prantsuse fi losoof Michel Foucault, võime moodsa teadusdiskursuse mõttes poliitika ja bios’e omavahelise seotuse lätteid näha 19. sajandi teisest poolest, kus tekkisid esimesed sotsiaaldarvinistlikud ühiskonnateooriad. Olulisteks märksõnadeks, mis sildasid poliitikat bioloogiaga, olid: eugeenika, rassism (sh antisemitism), kriminaalpsühhiaatria jms. Lühidalt öeldes tähistavadki mõisted biopoliitika ja biovõim võimu (valitsemise) tehnoloogiaid ja meetmeid, mis üksikindiviidide seksuaalsusele, perepoliitikale, tervishoiukäitumisele jms suunatud reglementatsioonide kaudu seab oma peamiseks eesmärgiks kontrollida populatsioonide käitumist
Itaalia sõjaline okupatsioon Dalmaatsias 1918–1921 [Italian military occupation in Dalmatia in 1918–1921: the fate of a former part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire]
No full textThe inhabitants of the cities and islands of the Dalmatian coast were the successors of the citizens and subjects of the Roman Empire and later the Republic of Venice, who spoke Italian. After these regions were transferred to Austro-Hungarian possession, the number of southern Slavs, particularly Croats started to rapidly grow on the coast of Dalmatia. The increase in the influence of the Slavs was also supported by the Austro-Hungarian government, seeing them as a counterweight to a strengthening Italy.Conflicts between Italians and Slavs became more frequent. After the end of WWI and the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the coast of Dalmatia was transferred into the occupation of Italian forces. However, Italy was struggling with internal conflicts and economic difficulties and did not have the strength to merge these areas. In addition, the majority of the Triple Entente countries supported the creation of a strong Yugoslavia (Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes).
In November 1920, an agreementwas concluded between Italy and Yugoslavia, under which only the city of Zara and its surroundings and the island of Làgosta were left to Italy. Fiume was given the status of a free state and was joined with Italy in 1924. The Italian units and institutions and many Italians were evacuated from Dalmatia by the end of 1921
Contested Notions of National Identity, Ethnic Movements And Democratization in Iran
No full textSince the Constitutional Revolution of 1906, successive regimes in Iran promoted competing conceptions of Iranian national identity. However, the policy of promoting nationalism as a state-sponsored ideology that excludes Iran’s ethnic and religious diversity remained unchanged. Competing discourses around nation building and identity strikingly intersect with the struggle for democratization in Iran. Since the Islamic Revolution, the pro-democracy movement in the country takes place on two fronts: the confrontation between the conservatives and the reformists, and the challenge posed by the ethnic movements towards the official denial of the ethnic and religious diversity of Iran. This article argues that be they reformist or conservative, successive governments in Iran have refused to recognize the multi-ethnic structure of Iranian society and the legitimate rights of the ethnic groups. Therefore, a regime change would be unlikely to alter the social and political status of ethnic and religious minorities unless the ethnic movements and the pro-democracy opposition collaborate. Formation of a common discourse on the question of ‘Iranianness’ is the primary condition for this to be accomplished
Family Background and School Choice in Cities of Russia and Estonia: Selective Agenda of the Soviet Past and Present
No full textIn this article, we demonstrate the size of family background eff ects in various regions of Russia and Estonia, concentrating on urban and rural diff erences, addressing the idea that the family background effect is moderated by school level admission policies. Having common path-dependent educational institutions from the communist period, the countries diff er in both the extensiveness of the welfare state and system level school choice policies. However, we see many commonalities in both systems, especially at the urban school level. The family background eff ect is defi ned as the dependence of student achievement on family background characteristics, such as parental education, income and social status. In operationalising family background, the number of books at home and parental education are used as proxies, and its eff ect is measured as a percentage of the individual level PISA 2012 score. We contribute to the literature by studying school choice, its key characteristics and moderating eff ects by school level admission policy in an urban environment
Trapped in ‘Involuntary’ Work in the Late Career? Retirement Expectations versus the ‘Desire to Retire’ in Estonia
No full textIn light of recent policies aiming to promote the prolongation of working life, one of the key questions is how people have adjusted their retirement expectations (i.e., realistic plans) and preferences (i.e., wishes and desires). We explore which social groups plan to continue working after the statutory retirement age, and whether they wish to do it or whether it is a forced choice (‘involuntary’ work). Overall, almost all employed late career workers plan to work until or beyond retirement age in Estonia, especially men and those who have more educational and health resources. Still, results of a joint analysis of plans and wishes indicate that two groups have a higher risk of ‘involuntary’ work. First, a higher education combined with a low job satisfaction predicts staying longer in the labour despite the wish to retire as early as possible. Second, individuals who have poor health and a low job satisfaction often wish to retire as early as possible but stay in the labour market until reaching to the compulsory retirement age. Thus, policy measures increasing merely the statutory retirement age create tensions, especially among those not satisfied with their jobs. More analytical work and policy measures are needed to provide solutions at the workplace level that would enable a prolonged work career