Tema. Journal of Land Use, Mobility and Environment (University of Naples)
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Dati di traffico telefonico e politiche urbane
No full textThe paper focusses on the potentialities offered by mobile phone data to provide useful knowledge of site practices and rhythms of usage of contemporary city, for more effective and equitable mobility policies.Starting from the results of a research carried out at the Politecnico di Milano, using mobile phone data provided by Telecom Italia and finalized to verify the meaning of mobile phone data in returning the density of land use (Manfredini, Pucci & Tagliolato, 2012 and 2013) and the origins and destinations of daily movements (Tagliolato, Manfredini & Pucci, 2013), we will highlight how new maps, based on the processing of mobile phone data can represent spatialized urban practices and how they can give new insights for analyze space-time patterns of mobility practices. In our research, mobile phone data, returning new maps of site practices in Lombardy Region with information on temporary populations and city usages patterns (daily/nightly practices, non-systematic mobility), allowed to trace “fuzzy boundaries” as perimeters of practices, proposed like a tool for supporting and increasing the efficiency of urban policies and mobility services.In the paper, the identification of temporary urban populations through two types of mobile phone data (density of the calls and origin - destination traces of the calls) has not only a knowing purpose, but it is the condition for recognize new claims referred to “communities of practice”, by which to build mobility policies incisive, also because not generalist.Il paper propone una riflessione sulle possibilità offerte dai dati di traffico telefonico nel fornire conoscenze utili a costruire politiche per la mobilità più efficaci ed eque. A partire dai risultati di una esperienza di ricerca avviata presso il Dastu Politecnico di Milano sulla significatività dei dati di traffico telefonico di Telecom Italia nel restituire le densità d’uso del territorio (Manfredini, Pucci & Tagliolato, 2012 e 2013) e le origini e destinazioni dei movimenti giornalieri di mobilità (Tagliolato, Manfredini & Pucci, 2013), si evidenziano le potenzialità analitiche e interpretative offerte da questi dati nel descrivere le modalità con cui differenti popolazioni urbane usano il territorio e le possibili ricadute sulle politiche per la mobilità.Nella ricerca condotta, il trattamento dei dati di traffico telefonico ha consentito di restituire la variabilità spazio-temporale delle pratiche d’uso in Lombardia, a partire dalle quali si sono individuati “comunità di pratiche” e “territori contingenti”, generati cioè dalle pratiche di diverse popolazioni temporanee, che si sono assunti come perimetri utili per una diversa articolazione delle competenze e distribuzione delle risorse disponibili. Nel paper l’individuazione di popolazioni urbane temporanee attraverso i dati di traffico telefonico non ha unicamente una finalità interpretativa, ma rappresenta la condizione attraverso cui riconoscere le nuove domande disaggregate per “comunità di pratiche”, su cui costruire politiche di offerta più efficaci e meno onerose finanziariamente, poiché non generaliste
City and Energy Infrastructures between Economic Processes and Urban Planning
No full textThe paper deals with the issues related to the relationship between city, energy, economic factors and city planning. These issues are analyzed from a theoretical point of view and are placed in a logical path based on three assumptions. The first considers the city as an intelligent system constantly evolving. The second considers the city as a system where economic processes come out at their highest level affecting other aspects of social and urban structure. The third considers the planning as the weak link in the process of urban development, one of the most exposed to economic and social pressures.Energy production has experienced a great progress since steam and electricity were discovered. Each stage of this evolution has affected city and territory introducing significant physical signs, changing the ways of carrying out functions and creating new needs and new activities. The energy revolution, based on sustainable sources and on skillful management of the networks, will strongly affect the city and the way of organizing the activities, their location, dimension, and the shape of the spaces.The paper explores some of the issues related to the relationship between urban system and energy.The first section analyzes the meaning of the intelligent city as an entity that is constantly changing and constantly adapting. The second section analyzes the role of the energy systems in the evolution of the activities and of the city’s image. The last section investigates the role of the economic factors in the evolution of the shape and meaning of city, pointing out that the way towards smart and green urban systems will largely depend on their economic advantage. The paper deals with the issues related to the relationship between city, energy, economic factors and city planning. These issues are analyzed from a theoretical point of view and are placed in a logical path based on three assumptions. The first considers the city as an intelligent system constantly evolving. The second considers the city as a system where economic processes come out at their highest level affecting other aspects of social and urban structure. The third considers the planning as the weak link in the process of urban development, one of the most exposed to economic and social pressures.Energy production has experienced a great progress since steam and electricity were discovered. Each stage of this evolution has affected city and territory introducing significant physical signs, changing the ways of carrying out functions and creating new needs and new activities. The energy revolution, based on sustainable sources and on skillful management of the networks, will strongly affect the city and the way of organizing the activities, their location, dimension, and the shape of the spaces.The paper explores some of the issues related to the relationship between urban system and energy.The first section analyzes the meaning of the intelligent city as an entity that is constantly changing and constantly adapting. The second section analyzes the role of the energy systems in the evolution of the activities and of the city’s image. The last section investigates the role of the economic factors in the evolution of the shape and meaning of city, pointing out that the way towards smart and green urban systems will largely depend on their economic advantage.
Resilience in the Transition Towns Movement. Towards a new Urban Governance
No full textResilience, a concept typical in the natural sciences, has for some years been part of vocabulary of spatial planning but it is as yet relatively unexplored. Its common definition still represents resilience as the capacity of a system to absorb disturbances and to reorganise itself, by returning to the original state. Complexity theory shows that resilience is a bottom-up process, closely related to self-organization of a system, which could change the role of institutions and community in urban governance. Recently, the concept of resilience has been associated with the Transition Towns movement, a bottom-up initiative promoted by civil society. Better known as “urban initiatives for the transition”, they are a set of bottom-up practices of urban management, aimed at achieving a self-sufficient and “zero impact” model of urban development. In this perspective, the research question is: could this new paradigm of development and spatial organization really be a new approach in urban governance? The paper focuses on the epistemological dimension of the concept of resilience in spatial planning. The purpose is to understand the extent of innovation in planning practices and urban governance. In particular, the first part of the paper provides a review of the theoretical framework of resilience and the second analyzes the Transition Towns movement, with particular reference to the role of stakeholders. The main aim is to study the implications of the concept of resilience in spatial planning and, in particular, how it translates in the Transition Town experiences. The related outcome is to reflect on the perspective of institutional innovation, in terms of new urban governance. Resilience, a concept typical in the natural sciences, has for some years been part of vocabulary of spatial planning but it is as yet relatively unexplored. Its common definition still represents resilience as the capacity of a system to absorb disturbances and to reorganise itself, by returning to the original state. Complexity theory shows that resilience is a bottom-up process, closely related to self-organization of a system, which could change the role of institutions and community in urban governance. Recently, the concept of resilience has been associated with the Transition Towns movement, a bottom-up initiative promoted by civil society. Better known as “urban initiatives for the transition”, they are a set of bottom-up practices of urban management, aimed at achieving a self-sufficient and “zero impact” model of urban development. In this perspective, the research question is: could this new paradigm of development and spatial organization really be a new approach in urban governance? The paper focuses on the epistemological dimension of the concept of resilience in spatial planning. The purpose is to understand the extent of innovation in planning practices and urban governance. In particular, the first part of the paper provides a review of the theoretical framework of resilience and the second analyzes the Transition Towns movement, with particular reference to the role of stakeholders. The main aim is to study the implications of the concept of resilience in spatial planning and, in particular, how it translates in the Transition Town experiences. The related outcome is to reflect on the perspective of institutional innovation, in terms of new urban governance
Towards an urban planners’ perspective on Smart City
No full textThe concept of “Smart City”, providing a solution for making cities more efficient and sustainable, has been quite popular in recent years, encouraging reflections, ideas, researches and projects for a “smart” urban development. A smart city is generally meant as a city capable of joining “competitiveness” and “sustainability”, by integrating different dimensions of development and addressing infrastructural investments able to support economic growth as well as the quality of life of communities, a more careful management of natural resources, a greater transparency and participation to decision-making processes. Based on those assumptions, this contribution tackle the controversial subject of Smart City, starting from the review of the scientific Italian and international literature that, from the Eighties to the Nineties, has been largely focused on ICTs and their impacts on urban development. Then, the focus shifts on the large debate on smart cities that has been developing from the beginning of 2000s and on the numerous institutional initiatives up to now implemented by the European Union for building up the Smart City. Finally, the article highlights how, despite these efforts, a shared definition of the term is still missing and current approaches to the issue are still very heterogeneous; it emphasizes, on the opposite, the key-role that urban planning, grounding on a holistic approach to cities’ development, should play in coordinating and integrating urban policies addressed to building up a Smart City.The concept of “Smart City”, providing a solution for making cities more efficient and sustainable, has been quite popular in recent years, encouraging reflections, ideas, researches and projects for a “smart” urban development. A smart city is generally meant as a city capable of joining “competitiveness” and “sustainability”, by integrating different dimensions of development and addressing infrastructural investments able to support economic growth as well as the quality of life of communities, a more careful management of natural resources, a greater transparency and participation to decision-making processes. Based on those assumptions, this contribution tackle the controversial subject of Smart City, starting from the review of the scientific Italian and international literature that, from the Eighties to the Nineties, has been largely focused on ICTs and their impacts on urban development. Then, the focus shifts on the large debate on smart cities that has been developing from the beginning of 2000s and on the numerous institutional initiatives up to now implemented by the European Union for building up the Smart City. Finally, the article highlights how, despite these efforts, a shared definition of the term is still missing and current approaches to the issue are still very heterogeneous; it emphasizes, on the opposite, the key-role that urban planning, grounding on a holistic approach to cities’ development, should play in coordinating and integrating urban policies addressed to building up a Smart City
Urban Resilience and Ecosystem Services: How Can Be Integrated in the Case of Istanbul - Sultanbeyli District?
No full textAs estimated by UN, in 2030, 95 % of population growth will result from urban areas while a few metropolitan areas of rapidly growing developing countries will absorb much of this growth. Due to the accelerated urban growth and uncontrolled urban dispersion through naturally significant areas, sustainable urban growth management becomes a critical urban development policy for the global agenda. Istanbul has been attracting much of the internal migration with a dramatic urban growth process since 1950s and Istanbul Province, with over 12 million people, in 2010 is the most populated city of Turkey. Sultanbeyli, as a unique case for informal housing development in Istanbul, expanded like mushrooming after 1980’s and located itself on the largest drinking water source of Istanbul: the Omerli Watershed. The population of Sultanbeyli District grew from 82,298 (1990 census) to 272,758 people (2007 census) (TUIK, 1990;2007): more than threefold increase in less than two decades with consequent environmental degradation, uncontrolled ground water pumping, lack of drinking and waste water infrastructures. These endanger the well-being of the environment and of the society. On the other hand, the serious poverty problem is the main concern in Sultanbeyli for urban resilience (UR) which can be defined as the degree to which cities are able to tolerate alteration before reorganizing around a new set of structures and processes and which can be measured by how well a city can simultaneously balance ecosystem services (ES) and human functions (Resilience alliance, 2007). This paper aims to discuss how to integrate ecosystem services and resilience theory which will be essential to resolve the problems reflected by social, economic and administrative characteristics of Sultanbeyli District to enhance its urban resilience capacity in Istanbul.As estimated by UN, in 2030, 95 % of population growth will result from urban areas while a few metropolitan areas of rapidly growing developing countries will absorb much of this growth. Due to the accelerated urban growth and uncontrolled urban dispersion through naturally significant areas, sustainable urban growth management becomes a critical urban development policy for the global agenda. Istanbul has been attracting much of the internal migration with a dramatic urban growth process since 1950s and Istanbul Province, with over 12 million people, in 2010 is the most populated city of Turkey. Sultanbeyli, as a unique case for informal housing development in Istanbul, expanded like mushrooming after 1980’s and located itself on the largest drinking water source of Istanbul: the Omerli Watershed. The population of Sultanbeyli District grew from 82,298 (1990 census) to 272,758 people (2007 census) (TUIK, 1990;2007): more than threefold increase in less than two decades with consequent environmental degradation, uncontrolled ground water pumping, lack of drinking and waste water infrastructures. These endanger the well-being of the environment and of the society. On the other hand, the serious poverty problem is the main concern in Sultanbeyli for urban resilience (UR) which can be defined as the degree to which cities are able to tolerate alteration before reorganizing around a new set of structures and processes and which can be measured by how well a city can simultaneously balance ecosystem services (ES) and human functions (Resilience alliance, 2007). This paper aims to discuss how to integrate ecosystem services and resilience theory which will be essential to resolve the problems reflected by social, economic and administrative characteristics of Sultanbeyli District to enhance its urban resilience capacity in Istanbul
Systemic Resilience of Complex Urban Systems
No full textTwo key paradigms emerge out of the variety of urban forms: certain cities resemble trees, others leaves. The structural difference between a tree and a leaf is huge: one is open, the other closed. Trees are entirely disconnected on a given scale: even if two twigs are spatially close, if they do not belong to the same branch, to go from one to the other implies moving down and then up all the hierarchy of branches. Leaves on the contrary are entirely connected on intermediary scales. The veins of a leaf are disconnected on the two larger scales but entirely connected on the two or three following intermediary scales before presenting tiny tree-like structures on the finest capillary scales. Deltas are leaves not trees. Neither galaxies nor whirlpools are trees. We will see in this paper that historical cities, like leaves, deltas, galaxies, lungs, brains and vein systems are all fractal structures, multiply connected and complex on all scales. These structures display the same degree of complexity and connectivity, regardless of the magnification scale on which we observe them. We say that these structures are scale free. Mathematical fractal forms are often generated recursively by applying again and again the same generator to an initiator. The iteration creates an arborescence. But scale free structure is not synonymous with a recursive tree-like structure. The fractal structure of the leaf is much more complex than that of the tree by its multiconnectivity on three or more intermediary levels. In contrast, trees in the virgin forest, even when they seem to be entangled, horizontal, and rhizomic, have branches that are not interconnected to form a lattice. As we will see, the history of urban planning has evolved from leaf-like to tree-like patterns, with a consequent loss of efficiency and resilience. Indeed, in a closed foliar path structure, the formation of cycles enables internal complexification and flow fluctuations due to the possibility of flow transfers, as is the case of historical cities. One of the central demonstrations in this paper is that an urban system’s structural resilience is highest when it is configured according to a scale free structure for its parts and for its connections. The spatial distribution and the intensity of connections in such a structure obeys a Pareto distribution – that is, an inverse power law found throughout the organization of living organisms and economic systems. The scale relationships between the different hierarchic levels of an arborescence, a leaf, and the blood and oxygen circulation systems in our bodies obey such a mathematical law. It states the frequency of an element’s appearance and the span of a connection based on its hierarchic level: the smaller an element is, the more often it will be encountered in the system; the bigger an element is the rarer it will be. This fundamental law defines in itself the manner in which living organisms and things should be organized to optimize their access to energy, the use that they make of it, and their resilienceTwo key paradigms emerge out of the variety of urban forms: certain cities resemble trees, others leaves. The structural difference between a tree and a leaf is huge: one is open, the other closed. Trees are entirely disconnected on a given scale: even if two twigs are spatially close, if they do not belong to the same branch, to go from one to the other implies moving down and then up all the hierarchy of branches. Leaves on the contrary are entirely connected on intermediary scales. The veins of a leaf are disconnected on the two larger scales but entirely connected on the two or three following intermediary scales before presenting tiny tree-like structures on the finest capillary scales. Deltas are leaves not trees. Neither galaxies nor whirlpools are trees.We will see in this paper that historical cities, like leaves, deltas, galaxies, lungs, brains and vein systems are all fractal structures, multiply connected and complex on all scales. These structures display the same degree of complexity and connectivity, regardless of the magnification scale on which we observe them. We say that these structures are scale free. Mathematical fractal forms are often generated recursively by applying again and again the same generator to an initiator. The iteration creates an arborescence. But scale free structure is not synonymous with a recursive tree-like structure. The fractal structure of the leaf is much more complex than that of the tree by its multiconnectivity on three or more intermediary levels. In contrast, trees in the virgin forest, even when they seem to be entangled, horizontal, and rhizomic, have branches that are not interconnected to form a lattice.As we will see, the history of urban planning has evolved from leaf-like to tree-like patterns, with a consequent loss of efficiency and resilience. Indeed, in a closed foliar path structure, the formation of cycles enables internal complexification and flow fluctuations due to the possibility of flow transfers, as is the case of historical cities.One of the central demonstrations in this paper is that an urban system’s structural resilience is highest when it is configured according to a scale free structure for its parts and for its connections. The spatial distribution and the intensity of connections in such a structure obeys a Pareto distribution – that is, an inverse power law found throughout the organization of living organisms and economic systems. The scale relationships between the different hierarchic levels of an arborescence, a leaf, and the blood and oxygen circulation systems in our bodies obey such a mathematical law. It states the frequency of an element’s appearance and the span of a connection based on its hierarchic level: the smaller an element is, the more often it will be encountered in the system; the bigger an element is the rarer it will be. This fundamental law defines in itself the manner in which living organisms and things should be organized to optimize their access to energy, the use that they make of it, and their resilienc
Enhancing urban resilience in face of climate change: a methodological approach
No full textClimate change can be considered as one of the main environmental topic of the 21st century (IPCC, 2011). It poses a serious challenge for cities all over the world (EEA, 2012): cities show, on the one hand a high level of vulnerability in face of climate change, on the other hand, they are responsible for 60% to 80% of global energy consumption and greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, which represent the main causes of change in climate conditions.In 2011, the 73% of European population was living in urban areas and the level of urbanization is expected to be at 82% by 2050 (UN, 2012). Due to the evidence that in Europe the 69% of all GHG emissions are currently generated by cities, larger and larger is the attention devoted, by scientific literature and policy makers, to outline strategies for urban adaptation to climate change, both at European and local scale.Governments and scholars currently highlight the need for strengthening urban resilience in face of climate change and related consequences. By this perspective, some actions are already running, even though a clear identification of the features which make a city resilient in face of climate change is still missing.To fill this gap, this contribution is mainly addressed to:- provide, by integrating different disciplinary perspectives, a conceptual model of the set of adaptive capacities and properties that characterize a resilient system;- verify, starting from a snapshot of current strategies and actions for urban adaptation currently implemented at European level, the consistency between those strategies and the identified set of resilience capacities and properties.Climate change can be considered as one of the main environmental topic of the 21st century (IPCC, 2011). It poses a serious challenge for cities all over the world (EEA, 2012): cities show, on the one hand a high level of vulnerability in face of climate change, on the other hand, they are responsible for 60% to 80% of global energy consumption and greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, which represent the main causes of change in climate conditions. In 2011, the 73% of European population was living in urban areas and the level of urbanization is expected to be at 82% by 2050 (UN, 2012). Due to the evidence that in Europe the 69% of all GHG emissions are currently generated by cities, larger and larger is the attention devoted, by scientific literature and policy makers, to outline strategies for urban adaptation to climate change, both at European and local scale. Governments and scholars currently highlight the need for strengthening urban resilience in face of climate change and related consequences. By this perspective, some actions are already running, even though a clear identification of the features which make a city resilient in face of climate change is still missing. To fill this gap, this contribution is mainly addressed to: - provide, by integrating different disciplinary perspectives, a conceptual model of the set of adaptive capacities and properties that characterize a resilient system; - verify, starting from a snapshot of current strategies and actions for urban adaptation currently implemented at European level, the consistency between those strategies and the identified set of resilience capacities and properties
Enhancing Resilience of London by Learning from Experiences
No full textThe concept of resilience was introduced at the beginning of the 70s to indicate the capability of natural systems to absorb perturbations, preserving their structure and keeping the system functioning. The paper considers London as an example to a resilient city by focusing on some remarkable disasters in the history of London, such as the Great Fire of 1666, the air raids during the World War 2, 18 December 1987 Kings Cross Fire, terrorist attack to tube network on the 7th of July 2005, 1928 flooding and 1953 storm surge. The paper starts by giving short descriptions of these disasters and continues by discussing the lessons learned. In this paper, the concept of resilience has been studied in three phases: prepare for, respond to and recover from a disaster. Besides, actions that have to be taken according to these three phases are going to be explored in detail. In conclusion, the notable effects of the mentioned disasters on the structural and non-structural tools for disaster prevention have been revealed by considering resilience of London.The concept of resilience was introduced at the beginning of the 70s to indicate the capability of natural systems to absorb perturbations, preserving their structure and keeping the system functioning. The paper considers London as an example to a resilient city by focusing on some remarkable disasters in the history of London, such as the Great Fire of 1666, the air raids during the World War 2, 18 December 1987 Kings Cross Fire, terrorist attack to tube network on the 7th of July 2005, 1928 flooding and 1953 storm surge. The paper starts by giving short descriptions of these disasters and continues by discussing the lessons learned. In this paper, the concept of resilience has been studied in three phases: prepare for, respond to and recover from a disaster. Besides, actions that have to be taken according to these three phases are going to be explored in detail. In conclusion, the notable effects of the mentioned disasters on the structural and non-structural tools for disaster prevention have been revealed by considering resilience of London
The clustering Effect of Industrial Sites: Turning Morphology into Guidelines for Future Developments within the Turin Metropolitan Area
No full textAs urban societies seek to redefine themselves following the decline of manufacturing, they are left with physical and social transformations supported by successive stages of industrial growth and shrinking. At the same time, new paradigms are developed in urban planning to address the challenge of cities that are declining and cities whose population is rapidly rising. As such, these attempts raise the need to understand the impact of the street network on how cities thrive or shrink, additionally to social, cultural and economic changes. This paper uses space syntax methodology and a comprehensive mapping of industrial distribution to analyse the evolution of Turin (capital of car manufacturing in Italy) and its relationship to industry from 1920 to the present. The paper focuses on the morphological clustering of industrial sites and how alternative concepts for planning development may be generated. The analysis showed that industry began within the urban core along the primary routes of global-scale movement. However, as a new era of economic production took place at the end of the 20th century, the street network and industry followed a different spatial logic. Industrial activities spread along the periphery in island clusters in close proximity to global arteries of movement. Turin’s centre, on the other hand retained a backbone of integrated streets that enabled its reinforcement when industry relocated. The analysis of their historic development shows that new concepts should be informed by quantitative analysis of the evolution of the urban street network and its effects on economic activity, such that the configurational logical described may provide the basis for future guideline policies. As urban societies seek to redefine themselves following the decline of manufacturing, they are left with physical and social transformations supported by successive stages of industrial growth and shrinking. At the same time, new paradigms are developed in urban planning to address the challenge of cities that are declining and cities whose population is rapidly rising. As such, these attempts raise the need to understand the impact of the street network on how cities thrive or shrink, additionally to social, cultural and economic changes. This paper uses space syntax methodology and a comprehensive mapping of industrial distribution to analyse the evolution of Turin (capital of car manufacturing in Italy) and its relationship to industry from 1920 to the present. The paper focuses on the morphological clustering of industrial sites and how alternative concepts for planning development may be generated. The analysis showed that industry began within the urban core along the primary routes of global-scale movement. However, as a new era of economic production took place at the end of the 20th century, the street network and industry followed a different spatial logic. Industrial activities spread along the periphery in island clusters in close proximity to global arteries of movement. Turin’s centre, on the other hand retained a backbone of integrated streets that enabled its reinforcement when industry relocated. The analysis of their historic development shows that new concepts should be informed by quantitative analysis of the evolution of the urban street network and its effects on economic activity, such that the configurational logical described may provide the basis for future guideline policies
Sprawl and Fragmentation. The case of Medellin Region in Colombia
No full textSprawl and fragmentation are phenomena common to many cities but they do have particularities depending on the geographic, economic and societal context. This paper will examine the particularities of these two phenomena, intrinsically related, in the Aburra Valley (the metropolitan area of Medellin – Colombia). The phenomena will be analyzed from their origins, their different manifestations and the possible solutions of control within this context.Low density and discontinuous urban growth is a matter of great interest to city governments, transport authorities, urban planners, economists, sociologists and environmentalists. From a technical view, sprawl is associated with negative effects such as larger commuting times and greater consumption of fuel, which also means increase of pollution; increase in capital investment to accommodate population growth in space; acceleration of inner-city urban decline due to the abandonment of former urban spaces, social segregation manifested in spatial mismatch of population (poor living in inner city, rich living in peripheral areas). But from the citizen’s perspective, regardless of income, small low-density communities, which shape sprawl, are an ideal of living. This dichotomy with its implicit factors represents a big challenge to contemporary urban governance.lo Sprawl e la frammentazione sono fenomeni comuni a molte città, ma hanno differenti connotazioni a seconda della specificità geografica, il contesto economico e sociale. l'articolo esamina le peculiarità di questi due fenomeni, intrinsecamente legati, nella Valle de Aburrá (l'area metropolitana di Medellin - Colombia). I fenomeni saranno analizzati dalla genesi , nel le loro diverse manifestazioni e prefigurando le possibili soluzioni di gentione all'interno di questo contesto