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Hybrid lernen mit H5P: Eine Analyse des Inhaltstyps „Dehnung und Verdoppelung“ im Vergleich mit Schulbuchmaterial
Get PDFH5P (HTML5 Package) ist ein Open-Source-Format zur Erstellung interaktiver, browserbasierter Lerninhalte und wird zunehmend in schulischen Kontexten genutzt. Es erlaubt die Gestaltung verschiedener Aufgabenformate, die Lernende aktiv einbinden und unmittelbare Rückmeldungen ermöglichen. Vor diesem Hintergrund untersucht die vorliegende Rezension des H5P-Inhalts „Dehnung und Verdoppelung“ von Schooltools und vergleicht es mit einem klassischen Schulbuchkapitel zum gleichen orthografischen Schwerpunkt. Analysiert wird, wie sich beide Materialtypen hinsichtlich Interaktivität, Feedback, Motivation und Differenzierung unterscheiden und welche medienpädagogischen Potenziale sich daraus ergeben. Abschließend werden Empfehlungen formuliert, wie analoge und digitale Materialien sinnvoll kombiniert eingesetzt werden können, um Lernende bestmöglich zu unterstützen.H5P (HTML5 Package) is an open-source format for creating interactive, browser-based learning content and is increasingly being used in educational contexts. It allows the design of various task formats that actively engage learners and enable immediate feedback. Against this background, this review examines the H5P content “Stretching and Doubling” from Schooltools and compares it with a classic textbook chapter on the same orthographic focus. It analyzes how the two types of material differ in terms of interactivity, feedback, motivation, and differentiation, and what media education potential this offers. Finally, recommendations are made on how analog and digital materials can be combined in a meaningful way to provide learners with the best possible support
Practising Freedom and Publicness. From Slavery to Citizenship Revisited
Get PDFThe acquisition of fundamental rights and the assertion of political participation were two important processes in the transition from slavery to citizenship in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Brazil. Enslaved people played a leading role in both, demanding justice through individual lawsuits and striving for political belonging through collective practices such as capoeira. While the legal struggles, in which they mostly followed the hegemonic language and institutional logic, had an inclusive effect, the political practices led to repressive reactions from the authorities, thus having an exclusionary effect. Nevertheless, to a certain extent these practices also worked in an inclusive manner because they eventually engendered schemes of formal political representation. Even if unconsciously, enslaved (and formerly enslaved) people played a significant role in the Brazilian state-building process. The acquisition of fundamental rights and the assertion of political participation were two important processes in the transition from slavery to citizenship in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Brazil. Enslaved people played a leading role in both, demanding justice through individual lawsuits and striving for political belonging through collective practices such as capoeira. While the legal struggles, in which they mostly followed the hegemonic language and institutional logic, had an inclusive effect, the political practices led to repressive reactions from the authorities, thus having an exclusionary effect. Nevertheless, to a certain extent these practices also worked in an inclusive manner because they eventually engendered schemes of formal political representation. Even if unconsciously, enslaved (and formerly enslaved) people played a significant role in the Brazilian state-building process. 
The Back-and-Forth of Abortion Debates in Poland.: Towards a Historical Understanding of the Misrecognition Gambit of the National Catholic Right
Get PDFThis article describes the back-and-forth pushes and pulls of abortion law in Poland based on insights into the power structures of political participation and exclusion. This narrative is guided by Nancy Fraser’s theory of justice, which focuses on the set-up of the political stage that impacts how abortion is legally regulated and culturally interpreted. By arguing that the legal accessibility of abortion (or the lack thereof) is not an epiphenomenon of cultural identity, this historical overview considers the topic of abortion as ammunition to gain political power. To explain this, we introduce two notions – the zero-sum game and the misrecognition gambit – to demarcate the shifts in political organizing between women’s mobilizations, the Catholic Church, and the communist rule. The analysis portrays how the communistrule leveraged the topic of abortion into a powerful political weapon that strongly symbolized anti-communist opposition. The zero-sum game marks the period of the flourishing of conservative forces under democracy, leading to a period of defeat on the side of women’s organizing. However, oncethe state-church alliance decided to gamble again on further restricting access to abortion after 2015, the gambit forcefully backfired-resulting in the largest anti-state and anti-Church mobilizations since the communist rule in Poland.This article describes the back-and-forth pushes and pulls of abortion law in Poland based on insights into the power structures of political participation and exclusion. This narrative is guided by Nancy Fraser’s theory of justice, which focuses on the set-up of the political stage that impacts how abortion is legally regulated and culturally interpreted. By arguing that the legal accessibility of abortion (or the lack thereof) is not an epiphenomenon of cultural identity, this historical overview considers the topic of abortion as ammunition to gain political power. To explain this, we introduce two notions – the zero-sum game and the misrecognition gambit – to demarcate the shifts in political organizing between women’s mobilizations, the Catholic Church, and the communist rule. The analysis portrays how the communistrule leveraged the topic of abortion into a powerful political weapon that strongly symbolized anti-communist opposition. The zero-sum game marks the period of the flourishing of conservative forces under democracy, leading to a period of defeat on the side of women’s organizing. However, oncethe state-church alliance decided to gamble again on further restricting access to abortion after 2015, the gambit forcefully backfired-resulting in the largest anti-state and anti-Church mobilizations since the communist rule in Poland
Text Experiment: Imaginations of Complete Visions.: Understanding Audre Lorde’s "Poetry is Not a Luxury" in a Black Queer Space Time
Get PDFBlack queer poet Audre Lorde emphasized the complexity of the issues involved in striving for the participation of all people in a democracy, a topic present in Lorde’s unpublished correspondence, speeches, essays, and published interviews. Lorde described poetry as a playground of ideas and a space for accessible exchange within and between social groups, as well as a means of expressing participatory claims against democracies and governments. Through a conversation between freedom thinkers and poets, this essay reveals continuities in the expression, exploration, and formulation of freedom through the centuries.Black queer poet Audre Lorde emphasized the complexity of the issues involved in striving for the participation of all people in a democracy, a topic present in Lorde’s unpublished correspondence, speeches, essays, and published interviews. Lorde described poetry as a playground of ideas and a space for accessible exchange within and between social groups, as well as a means of expressing participatory claims against democracies and governments. Through a conversation between freedom thinkers and poets, this essay reveals continuities in the expression, exploration, and formulation of freedom through the centuries
\u27His bodily son\u27: Embodiment and relatedness in ancient Egypt
No full textA dichotomy between nature and nurture has long been at the heart of definitions of kinship in the humanities and the social sciences. While an oscillation between biological and socio-cultural constructions of relatedness may feel superseded in favour of a more integrative approach, it is still implicit in works that take a relationship mediated by the body as the basis of kinship. For example, the expression zꜣ⸗f n ẖt⸗f is often translated as \u27his bodily son\u27 and understood as indicating a legitimate heir. The implication here is that a biological relation, conveyed through bodily connections, is somehow more real than one that is not labelled as such. This reading comfortably maps onto (mainly Western) expectations about the expression of kinship through a biological body. However, this interpretation disregards the fact that there are different ways of understanding the articulation between embodiment and relatedness in modern and ancient cultures. In this article, I take zꜣ⸗f n ẖt⸗f as a case study to explore ancient Egyptian \u27body worlds\u27 and to challenge some of the assumptions regarding relatedness often found in Egyptological scholarship
Non-elite bodies in the Old Kingdom: Towards a relational approach
No full textThe human body has been a site of much theoretical reasoning in the social and cultural sciences since the 1970s. Egyptologists too have explored the rich evidence from ancient Egypt and placed bodies back in history. The bulk of the Egyptological research literature is focused on two- and three-dimensional representations that were predominantly produced and displayed in \u27elite\u27 contexts and on written evidence, such as healing instructions and ritual texts that exhibit little interest in situating bodies in a specific social milieu. This paper develops an alternative perspective and discusses evidence for bodies of the non-elite population. I adopt a relational approach to social modeling assuming that the social is a dynamic and context-bound process of positioning individuals relative to each other. My point of departure is a recently excavated non-elite cemetery at Zawyet Sultan. The discussion revolves around the positioning of bodies in changing iconographic and material contexts during the late fourth to the third millennia BCE. Bodies have a better potential than the terms \u27individual\u27 or \u27person\u27 for approaching the non-elite population of ancient Egypt because they raise questions on close social and physical relatedness that was presumably typical of non-elite contexts
„Aber wenn man sagt: Nein, unbedingt besuchst du Sprachkurs und dann, wir suchen eine Arbeit für dich, auch ich finde es schwer auch.“ – Zum Zusammenwirken von Klassismus & (Neo-)Linguizismus im Berufssprachkurs
No full textIm Beitrag stehen die Ergebnisse einer qualitativ-rekonstruktiven Studie im Zentrum, in der die Intersektion der Differenzverhältnisse Klassismus und (Neo-)Linguizismus im Rahmen eines vom Bundesamt für Migration und Flüchtlinge geförderten B2-Berufssprachkurses untersucht wurden. Mittels einer teilnehmenden Unterrichtsbeobachtung sowie episodischen Interviews konnte die Reproduktion sowie Normalisierung der den Differenzverhältnissen inhärenten Wissensbeständen herausgearbeitet werden. Curriculare und strukturell-diskursive Rahmenbedingungen führen u.a. zu einer Homogenisierung sowie Bevormundung der Teilnehmenden auf Grundlage des Differenzmerkmals Deutsch als weitere Sprache. Dies beeinflusst maßgeblich unterrichtliches Handeln und beobachtete Interaktionen, wobei Unterricht genau jener Raum zu sein scheint, in dem widerständiges Handeln möglich wird.This article focuses on the results of a qualitative-reconstructive study that examined the intersection of classism and (neo-)linguicism within the context of a B2 vocational language course funded by the Federal Office for Migration and Refugees. Through participant classroom observation and episodic interviews, the reproduction and normalization of knowledge inherent in the relations of difference could be worked out. Curricular and structural-discursive framework conditions contribute, among other things, to a homogenization and paternalism of the participants based on German as a Second Language. This significantly influences teaching practices and observed interactions, whereby the classroom appears to be precisely the space where resistance becomes possible
Critique of Telic Power
No full textÅsa Burman has recently introduced the important notion of telic power and differentiated it from deontic power in an attempt to build a bridge between ideal and non-ideal social ontology. We find Burman’s project promising but we argue that more is to be done to make it entirely successful. First, there is a palpable tension between Burman’s claim that telic power can be ontologically independent of deontic power and her examples, which suggests that these forms of power share the same basis. Second, it is not completely clear how telic power specifically helps non-ideal social ontologists explain oppression. We offer solutions to both problems. First, we argue that Burman’s arguments for the conclusion that telic power can exist without deontic power are unsuccessful. Burman contends that this is possible because some social roles involving telic power can exist independently of institutions as sets of constitutive rules, which are––in her opinion––the source of deontic power. Burman’s arguments are not successful because she disregards the plausible view that all social roles involve deontic power, whether or not they are institutional. Second, we argue that while the exercise of deontic power requires a collective recognition of the social roles of the interacting agents and, therefore, a recognition of the associated norms, the exercise of telic power does not require recognition of the relevant norms. This is why invoking telic power is particularly useful in explaining how oppression and injustice can arise. Lastly, we suggest that Burman has not fully clarified the relation between teleological normativity and the forms of telic power and requires a deeper analysis
Editorial: Mediengeschichte im Spannungsfeld von Krieg, Erinnerung, Sozialisation und Digitalisierung
No full textAuch in dieser Ausgabe bietet die offene Sektion von medien & zeit Raum für vielfältige Perspektiven auf Mediengeschichte und Kommunikationsprozesse. Die vier Beiträge dieser Ausgabe eint ein zentrales Motiv: Medien als Akteur:innen gesellschaftlicher Transformation. Sie zeigen, wie Medien historische Ereignisse inszenieren, kollektive Erinnerungen prägen, soziale Ungleichheiten verstärken oder abmildern und wie sie selbst zum Gegenstand individueller und kollektiver Aushandlungen werden. Die Spannweite reicht von der antikapitalistischen und antimilitaristischen proletarischen Frauenpresse im deutschen Kaiserreich über visuelle Mediendarstellungen des Spanischen Bürgerkriegs (1936–1939) und die digitale Erinnerungskultur des Massakers von Srebrenica 1995 auf TikTok bis hin zur Mediensozialisation bildungsarmer Erwachsener in einer prä-digitalen Zeit
„Proletarische Frauen, seid bereit!“ : Antimilitaristische Agitation proletarischer Frauen in der Zeitschrift Die Gleichheit (1892-1923)
Get PDFSocial Democrats in the German Empire fought against militarism as part of their anticapitalistic aims. Consequently, the proletarian women’s movement’s periodical, Die Gleichheit, contained anti-militarist agitation which it addressed specifically to proletarian women. This article demonstrates that the periodical’s anti-militarist rhetoric often sought to place readers and their lived experience in direct connection with militarism, thus offering potential for identification and ultimately demonstrating to readers their own interest in an anti-militarist attitude and activity. Die Gleichheit’s endeavours to create identification were based on specific collective identity constructions of the proletarian woman which were centred around multiple and intertwined social power relations. Patriarchy (gender relations), capitalism and its instrument militarism, were understood as intertwined systems of oppression in which proletarian women held a multiply precarious social position. This article demonstrates that this made anti-militarism in Die Gleichheit appear to be a logical and consistent form of struggle against capitalism and patriarchy, which also decisively pursued goals of women\u27s emancipation.Social Democrats in the German Empire fought against militarism as part of their anticapitalistic aims. Consequently, the proletarian women’s movement’s periodical, Die Gleichheit, contained anti-militarist agitation which it addressed specifically to proletarian women. This article demonstrates that the periodical’s anti-militarist rhetoric often sought to place readers and their lived experience in direct connection with militarism, thus offering potential for identification and ultimately demonstrating to readers their own interest in an anti-militarist attitude and activity. Die Gleichheit’s endeavours to create identification were based on specific collective identity constructions of the proletarian woman which were centred around multiple and intertwined social power relations. Patriarchy (gender relations), capitalism and its instrument militarism, were understood as intertwined systems of oppression in which proletarian women held a multiply precarious social position. This article demonstrates that this made anti-militarism in Die Gleichheit appear to be a logical and consistent form of struggle against capitalism and patriarchy, which also decisively pursued goals of women\u27s emancipation