Al-Jami'ah - Journal of Islamic Studies (Islamic University Sunan Kalijaga Yogyakarta)
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    The Historical Figure of Omar al-Mukhtar and Islamic Martyrdom in Indonesia

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    The story of Omar al-Mukhtar resisting Italian colonisation of Libya had great potential as a rallying point for anti-colonial sentiment in the Indies stirred up by Islamic politicians under a Pan-Islamic banner. The Dutch colonial government was quite aware of the issue’s sensitivity. It forbade newspapers and Islamic leaders from even mentioning the story of Omar al-Mukhtar with the result that the proposed boycotts against Italy could not become widespread. The effectivity of Dutch policy snuffed out the possibility of the figure of Omar al-Mukhtar becoming a rallying point for those politically active in the struggle against colonialism. Those that would become Indonesian National Heroes with Islamic roots were in fact figures re-cast in a national, secular mould. After ndonesian independence it was national, local identity which dominated over that of Islamic martyrdom.[Kisah perjuangan Omar al-Mukhtar dalam melawan kolonialisasi Italia menjadi kisah yang menginspirasi gerakan anti-kolonialisme di Hindia-Belanda yang dimotori oleh kalangan politisi muslim melalui semboyan Pan-Islamisme. Pemerintah kolonial Belanda merespon dengan hati-hati isu sensitif ini dengan melarang koran dan pemimpin Muslim menceritakan kisah perjuangan Omar al-Mukhtar. Namun, pelarangan ini tidak cukup berhasil. Omar al-Mukhtar menjadi inspirator gerakan anti-kolonialisme. Mereka yang disebut sebagai pahlawan nasional dengan latar belakang muslim sebenarnya tokoh-tokoh yang dihadirkan dengan nuansa nasional/sekuler. Setelah Indonesia merdeka, identitas lokal-nasional itulah yang kemudian lebih dominan ketimbang identitas keislaman.

    Gender Construction in Dakwahtainment: A Case Study of Hati ke Hati Bersama Mamah Dedeh

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    This case study examines the phenomenon of dakwahtainment, a concept amalgamating Islamic propagation and entertainment. It focuses on the highly popular daily live programme entitled Hati ke Hati Bersama Mamah Dedeh (literally: Heart to Heart with Mother Dedeh). The programme involves a female penceramah (preacher) providing taws}iyyah or nasehat (spiritual advice) to the jamaah (congregation), while offering religious verdicts on various aspects of life confronting Indonesian women. One of the main pillars of the programme’s success has been its tightly observed winning formula held dearly by the producer and the creative team, which stipulates 70% tuntunan (spiritual guidance) and 30% tontonan (entertainment viewing). Based on an exploratory, single case study design, research findings suggest that the Hati ke Hati Bersama Mamah Dedeh programme is constructed on a gendered understanding that is inconsistent and contradictory, which tend to simultaneously empower and disempower Muslim women viewers.[Tulisan ini merupakan studi kasus mengenai dakwahtainmen yang mempertemukan dakwah pada satu sisi dan hiburan pada sisi lainnya. Diskusi akan difokuskan pada program televisi “Hati ke Hati Bersama Mamah Dedeh.” Program ini melibatkan penceramah yang menyampaikan taws}iyyah dan nasehat yang merespon persoalan-persoalan yang kerap dihadapi perempuan Muslim di Indonesia. Salah satu kunci kesuksesan program ini adalah keberhasilan produser dan tim kreatif yang memadukan 70% tuntunan dan 30% tontonan. Tulisan ini menemukan bahwa program Hati ke Hati Bersama Mamah Dedeh dikonstruk berdasarkan pengertian relasi gender yang rancu dan saling bertentangan. Karena itu, program ini dapat memberdayakan pemirsa perempuan dan sekaligus memperlemah mereka.

    Catholics, Muslims, and Global Politics in Southeast Asia

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    This article discusses the role of catholics, muslims, and civic associations in the global politics of the Philippines and Indonesia. The two countries have shared in common with regard to the geographical feature (both are archipelagic countries), the diversity of societies and cultures, and the history of colonialism, dictatorship, ethno-religious violence, and political movement, to name but a few. In addition to their similarities, both countries also have significant differences in particular pertaining to religious dominance (the Philippines dominated by Catholicism, while Indonesia by Islam) and the structure of their societies: while the Philippines is a class-stratified society, Indonesia has long been ideologized by colonial and post-colonial religious and political powers. Apart from their parallels and distinctions, religion --both Catholicism and Islam-- has marvellous role, negatively or positively, in global politics and public cultures, indicating its vigor and survival in global political domains. This comparative paper, more specifically, examines the historical dynamics of the interplay between religion, civil society, and political activism by using the Philippines and Indonesia as a case study and point of analysis.[Artikel ini mendiskusikan peran Katolik, Muslim dan asosiasi warga dalam politik global di dua negara; Indonesia dan Filipina. Kedua negara tersebut memiliki kesamaan, baik dalam hal ciri geografis sebagai negara kepulauan, keragaman masyarakat dan budayanya, sejarah kolonialisme, pemerintahan diktator, kekerasan etnik-agama, serta gerakan keagamaan. Terlepas dari kesamaan tersebut, keduanya memiliki perbedaan, utamanya menyangkut agama dominan (di Filipina didominasi oleh Katolik, sementara di Indonesia oleh Islam) dan struktur masyarakatnya (Filipina ditandai dengan stratifikasi masyarakat berdasarkan klas sosial, sementara di Indonesia ditandai dengan ideologi agama kolonial, paska-kolonial, politik). Terlepas dari kesamaan dan perbedaan antara keduanya, agama -baik Katolik maupun Islam- memainkan peran penting, baik negatif maupun positif, dalam politik global dan budaya publik. Ini menandai kuatnya peran agama di kedua negara itu. Artikel ini menggunakan analisis perbandingan, utamanya terhadap dinamika sejarah hubungan antara agama, masyarakat sipil, dan aktifisme politik.

    Religious Symbolism and Democracy Encountered: A Case of Prostitution Bylaw of Bantul

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    This paper addresses the bylaw on prostitution issued by the Bantul authority in May 2007. It specifically examines the relation between the involvement of religious symbolism, the call for public participation and political interests in the legislation process. The paper argues that, on the one hand, the law relates prostitution to issues of immorality, social illness, and the degradation of women due to economic discrimination or sexual exploitation. The subject of prostitution has been extended, covering not only sex workers and pimps, but everyone committing indecent acts, such as showing a ‘sexy’ performance. On the other hand, this regulation is considered to be ambiguous in determining the standard of public morality and, therefore, puts women in a marginalised position. That the implementation of this law contributes to institutionalising the criminalisation against women is another fact which is believed to diminish the meaning of democracy. The government is blamed as taking too much care with procedural democracy but giving less attention to education and employment opportunities.[Artikel merupakan hasil studi peraturan daerah tentang larangan pelacuran yang dikeluarkan oleh Pemerintah Kabupaten Bantul pada Mei 2007. Studi ini menguji keterkaitan antara simbol-simbol keagamaan, partisipasi publik, dan kepentingan politik yang muncul dan menyertai proses legislasi. Penulis berpendapat bahwa pada satu sisi, dalam peraturan tersebut, pelacuran dikaitkan dengan perusakan terhadap nilai agama dan sosial serta penurunan martabat perempuan, terlepas akibat diskriminasi ekonomi atau eksploitasi seksual. Subjek pelacuran ternyata juga diperluas, tidak hanya pekerja seks dan mucikari, tetapi setiap orang yang melakukan perbuatan cabul, seperti berpenampilan seksi. Pada sisi yang lain, ukuran moralitas publik dalam peraturan ini dianggap kurang jelas dan menempatkan perempuan pada posisi yang terpinggirkan. Bahwa penerapan peraturan berimplikasi pada kriminalisasi terhadap perempuan merupakan bukti lain yang dinilai bertentangan dengan substansi demokrasi. Pemerintah dinilai terlalu perhatian pada demokrasi prosedural, tetapi mengabaikan masalah pendidikan dan kesempatan kerja.

    Editorial: From Public Domain to Islamic Philosophy

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    The current edition of Al-Jami’ah: Journal of Islamic Studies throws light on various themes related to contemporary development of Islamic religiosity with its multiple contexts. Indeed, Islam has become inspirations for many who uphold its dogma. Muslims, like any other who embrace other faiths, have participated in the creation of various traditions along human history. The author detects the internal development of the PKS in which its activists responded to the gender issues in two ways. The first group remains conservative in line with Islamist ideology. The second group seems to start looking at the issue in a rather progressive way. Whereas the conservative wing displays their ideological stance, the progressive wing exhibits pragmatic step in response to the demand of the current context. After all, this shows ambiguity in the party’s position pertaining to gender issues

    Between ICMI and NU: The Contested Representation of Muslim Civil Society in Indonesia, 1990-2001

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    This article discusses the concept of Muslim civil society in Indonesia by looking at differences in context between democratic and non-democratic regimes and by considering the diversity of Islamic interpretation of civil society and democracy. By looking at the dynamics within state-society relations and the process of democratisation, this article aims to clarify what kind of political actions correspond to the concept of civil society and help build a strong civil society in Indonesia in 1990s. Limiting its scope to the period from 1990 to 2001, the paper draws on two Muslim organisations (Nahdlatul Ulama and Ikatan Cendekiawan Muslim Indonesia) to explain why do Indonesian Muslims use the concept of civil society differently? How should Muslims perceive civil society vis-à-vis the state? Is it cooperation (participation) or opposition? Are both respective views equally legitimate? Given that Islamic doctrine may support the most varied of political outlooks, this study will point out that there is no single interpretation of the relationship between Islam and civil society or democracy. The article thus argues that differences between the two groups represent the diversity of Islamic interpretations of socio-political life.[Artikel ini membahas konsep “civil society” di Indonesia berdasarkan perbedaan konteks antara rejim demokratis dan otoriter serta menganalisis ragam interpretasi Islam mengenai civil society dan demokrasi. Melalui analisis dinamika hubungan rakyat-negara dan proses demokratisasi, artikel ini menjelaskan bentuk sikap politik yang sesuai dengan civil societydan mendorong terciptanya civil society yang kuat pada dekade 1990an di Indonesia. Diskusi dibatasi pada dua organisasi Muslim di Indonesia, Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) dan Ikatan Cendekiawan Muslim Indonesia (ICMI), dan hanya pada rentang 1990 hingga 2001. Pembatasan dilakukan guna menjawab mengapa Muslim di Indonesia menggunakan konsep civil society secara berbeda dan bagaimana mereka memandang bentuk relasi ideal antara negara-civil society; apakah kerjasama (partisipasi) ataukah oposisi? dan apakah kedua bentuk relasi tersebut sama-sama dapat dibenarkan?. Menyimak bahwa ajaran Islam dapat digunakan untuk mendukung berbagai pandangan politik, artikel ini menggarisbawahi bahwa interpretasi mengenai relasi Islam dan civil society/demokrasi adalah beragam. Karena itu, perbedaan antara NU dan ICMI dalam menterjemahkan konsep civil society merupakan cerminan perbedaan dan ragam interpretasi Islam terhadap kehidupan sosial-politik.

    Leveling the Unleveled? Syariah Advocates’ Struggle for Equality in Indonesian Legal Pluralism

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    One of the ongoing problems faced by many Syariah advocates in Indonesia is how they can maintain their important role in the practice of law in the midst of the domination of common advocates. They are always trapped in double burden in concern of their position. On one side, they are challenged with the long historical inequality of educational access between religious (Islamic) groups and secular groups, while on the other, they have to deal with the problem of being part of Muslim society with a legal culture where Islamic  law is commonly viewed as irreconcilable with secular legal traditions. This paper specifically discusses the role played by the Association of Indonesian Syariah Advocates (Asosiasi Pengacara Syariah Indonesia, APSI) in their struggle to assert equality between Syariah advocates and common advocates. It shows that although APSI has successfully attracted attention from the state and public in general, the interest shown by Syariah faculties remains even relatively low. Embedded traditional culture of studying Islamic law in many Syariah faculties seems to have influenced their attention towards APSI. Yet, with inclusive approaches in expanding the institution, APSI can attract many advocates, not only from Muslim law graduates but from those of non-Muslims as well

    The Importance of This and That: Reflections on Context in Early Islamic Philosophy

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    The discussion over the relationship between what is true globally and what is true locally is not new. It might be helpful, therefore, to consider issues surrounding the relationship between globalization and local values in light of previous forms of this discussion. To this end, I would like to reflect on the discussion of context in the writings of al-Farabi, Ibn Sina and al-Ghazali. To focus this paper, I will consider only three issues, namely that of history, science and the role of reason in religion. I will argue that al-Farabi and Ibn Sina present an account of context that begins with experience as a foundation and then moves to the universal, emphasizing the importance of tradition, demonstration and rationality. Against these two, al-Ghazali argues for the importance of leaving behind experience in order to reach that which is certain, emphasizing the supernatural, intuition and mystical. My goal is to draw out some implications these writers recognized followed from their often dense and esoteric discussions of the nature of particulars and universals, and conclude with some suggestions for our contemporary situation

    Indoctrinating Muslim Youths: Seeking Certainty Through An-Nabhanism

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    This article discusses the Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia’s (HTI) mechanism and medium of indoctrination as well as their impact on young Muslims’ mind and behaviour. It argues that intensive halqa in HTI plays a crucial role in implanting An-Nabhani’s doctrines into prospective members as well as senior ones so that they can maintain their ideological uniformity and dedication to HTI. In such a traditional medium of teaching, members are not encouraged to use critical thinking but to adopt and implement the HT doctrines correctly as guided by one supervisor (mushrif/mushrifa). Furthermore, the article argues that Muslim youth, especially disaffected ones, are more vulnerable to join HTI since they are at the stage of seeking personal empowerment and identity, social bonds, and channels to express their discontent with life. It is the intersection of these aspects that make young educated people become re-born Muslims who find a ‘total’ Islamic identity and certainty in HTI.[Artikel ini membahas mekanisme dan medium indoktrinasi yang dilakukan Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) serta implikasinya terhadap cara pandang dan perilaku kalangan muda Muslim. Kegiatan h} alqa yang dilaksanakan berperan besar dalam menanamkan doktrin-doktrin An-Nabhani, baik terhadap calon anggota maupun kalangan senior. H{alqa merupakan cara efektif untuk mempertahankan keseragaman ideologi di kalangan mereka dan menumbuhkan kesetiaan terhadap HTI. Dalam h}alqa, peserta sama sekali tidak didorong –untuk tidak menyebut dilarang- berpikir kritis, melainkan dibuat agar mau mengadopsi dan menerapkan doktrin Hizbut Tahrir (HT) seperti diajarkan mushrif/mushrifa. Ditengarai bahwa kalangan muda Muslim, utamanya yang sedang dalam masa labil, lebih berpotensi untuk direkrut bergabung dalam HTI. Hal itu karena mereka sedang dalam masa trasisi guna memenukan identitas dan ikatan-ikatan sosial serta cara/metode dalam mengekspresikan kekecewaan mereka terhadap persoalan-persoalan duniawi. Pertemuan semua kegalauan tersebut pada gilirannya menjadikan kalangan terdidik muda Muslim menjadi ‘terlahir kembali’, mereka merasa menemukan identitas ‘Islam-kaffah’ dan kepastian dalam HTI.

    Islam: Local and Global Challenges

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    Indeed, in maintaining their local values when faced with global challenges, Muslims, as a social entity, and Islam, as a set of dogma, have given birth to new phenomena, e.g. new interpretation of Islam within a new context. Additionally, this era of globalization has led religions, including Islam, to renew their gambit to cope reality, e.g. in the practical life (sociological, political, economical and anthropological aspects), intellectual endeavors (philosophical and theological aspects), and in the renewal of dogmatic teachings (hermeneutical aspects)

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