Al-Jami'ah - Journal of Islamic Studies (Islamic University Sunan Kalijaga Yogyakarta)
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The Influence of Global Muslim Feminism on Indonesian Muslim Feminist Discourse
Get PDFSince the early 1990s, many Muslim feminist works have been translated into Indonesian. These are, for example, the works of Fatima Mernissi, Riffat Hassan, Amina Wadud, Asghar Ali Engineer, Nawal Saadawi, Asma Barlas and Ziba Mir-Hossaini. These works have been influential in raising the awareness of Indonesian Muslims concerning Islam as a religion which supports equality and justice, but whose message has been blurred by patriarchal interpretations of the Qur’an which mostly put men in the superior position over women. Influenced by Muslim feminists from other countries, there has been an increasing number of Indonesian Muslim scholars, both male and female, who have challenged the existing male biased Qur’anic interpretations on gender relations. These scholars, for instance, are Lily Zakiyah Munir, Nasaruddin Umar, Zaitunah Subhan, Musdah Mulia and Nurjannah Ismail. This paper aims to shed some light on the influence of non-Indonesian Muslim feminist works on Indonesian Muslim feminist discourse. It will also discuss some of the reactions of Indonesian Muslims to the works of Muslim feminists. While some argue for the reinterpretation of the Qur’anic verses from the perspective of gender equality, others feel irritation and anger with the contemporary Muslim feminist critique of the classical Muslim interpretations of the Qur’an, mistakenly assuming that Muslim feminists have criticized or changed the Qur’an. This feeling of anger, according to Asma Barlas, may be caused by the unconscious elevation in the minds of many Muslims of the classical fiqh and tafsir into the position of replacing the Qur’an or even putting these human works above the Qur’an. This, according to her, has unconsciously left the Qur’an “untouchable” (too sacred to be reinterpreted) for most contemporary Muslims
Declarations and the Indonesian Constitution on Religious Freedom
Get PDFOne of controversial issues in Indonesia regarding human rights is concerning religious freedom. There were two contradict opinions on the issue, i.e. those who preferred Indonesia as an Islamic state, with a consequence that there is only very limited religious freedom and those who preferred secular state with a wider religious freedom. Though finally Indonesia adopted Pancasila (five pillars) as the state ideology, as a mid-way between the two, final agreement on the problem is from being finalised as debates are still carried out. This paper is aimed at analysing how and where the ‘pendulum’ is swinging between two contrasting views since Indonesia has signed both the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and also the Cairo Declaration of Human Rights. I argue that during the New Order Indonesia, the pendulum on religious freedom swung closer to Islamic view.[Salah satu isu terkait Hak Asasi Manusia di Indonesia adalah mengenai kebebasan agama. Setidaknya ada dua cara pandang yang saling bertentangan, yaitu (1) yang menghendaki bentuk negara Islam, konsekuensinya adalah kebebasan agama sangatlah terbatas, dan (2) yang menginginkan negara sekuler yang mengindikasikan kebebasan agama lebih luas. Indonesia mengadopsi Pancasila sebagai ideologi negara dan sebagai jalan tengah antara kubu negara Islam dan sekuler, namun perdebatan mengenai bentuk negara tersebut terus saja bergulir. Artikel ini menganalisis bagaimana dan ke mana ‘pendulum’ bergerak di antara dua pandangan yang saling bertentangan di atas. Semasa Orde Baru, pendulum tersebut condong ke kubu Islam.
Editorial: Between Tradition and Modernity
Get PDFThe relationship between religious ‘tradition’ and ‘modernity’ is a central theme in various academic debates. Of the heatedly debated topic is concerning religious identity in the face of constantly political, economical, and global changes. As with other religious communities, Muslims have to response to these changes, on the one hand, and to the call for preserving their religious identity, on the other
PKS’ Democratic Experiences in Recruiting Members and Leaders
Get PDFThis paper focuses on the views of democracy and the implementation of democratic rules in real politics by the Islamic political party that has a democracy platform in Indonesia, Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS). I examine PKS views on the relationship between Islam and democracy and its manner of recruiting members and leaders to show that this Islamic political party is not a threat to democracy at all. PKS believes that democracy goes to the roots of Islam and the Indonesian context in which they exist; and that it is a good political tool for an Islamic party like PKS to achieve its political goals. Taking the process of recruitment of members and leaders of PKS as examples, the paper also shows that the commitment of PKS to strengthening democracy in Indonesia could be seen in their process of recruiting leaders. PKS has practiced democratic rules in their internal party activities, particularly in the way they used to recruit their members who would be nominated as parliamentary members and how they choose their own leaders. However, it is necessary to note that in terms of member recruitment and expanding the cadres of the party, the PKS seems to have a special strategy; that is, encouraging their cadres to have big families.[Artikel mengulas pandangan Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) mengenai demokrasi dan implementasi nilai-nilai demokrasi dalam kehidupan politik. Dalam artikel ini, relasi Islam dan demokrasi serta metode PKS dalam merekrut anggota dan pemimpin partai akan dibahas. PKS sama sekali bukanlah ancaman bagi demokrasi. PKS percaya bahwa prinsip demokrasidapat ditemukan dalam Islam dan konteks Indonesia. Bagi PKS, demokrasi membuka ruang kesempatan bagi partai politik Islam untuk mencapai tujuan politiknya. Selain itu, artikel ini juga mengulas proses rekrutmen anggota dan pemimpin partai. Rekrutmen petinggi PKS memperlihatkan komitmen PKS terhadap penguatan demokrasi di Indonesia. PKS sudah mempraktekkan prinsip demokrasi dalam tubuh partai, utamanya dalam menentukan kandidat anggota parlemen dan dalam memilih pemimpin. Yang perlu diperhatikan adalah tampaknya PKS menerapkan pola rekrutmen dan ekspansi anggota partai yang unik, yaitu dengan mendorong kader-kader PKS untuk mememiliki banyak anak.
Islamic Education in a Pluralistic Society
Get PDFThe focus of this paper concerns how to construct an Islamic education that corresponds to a pluralistic society like Indonesia’s. To answer this question it refers to a theory of religious education that consists of three models: in, at, and beyond the wall. Religious education in the wall is a model of religious education that’s only concern is with its own religion, without connecting it with other religions. The second model is religious teaching at the wall, where students are not only taught about their own religion but is also connected with other religions. The last model is religious education beyond the wall, which means helping students to work together with people of other faiths for peace, justice, and harmony. From these models, the dominant practice of Islamic education is based on the first model, religious teaching in the wall. For this reason, I shall argue that it is necessary to shift the model of Islamic teaching from in to at and beyond the wall, in order for Muslim students to not ignorant of other religions and to make them able to work together with other students of different faiths to combat the common enemy of religions such as violence, poverty, corruption, manipulation, and the like. To make Islamic teachers capable of implementing this model of religious teaching, it is necessary to have types of religiosity that correspond to it, namely inclusive-pluralist religiosity, critical-reflective religiosity, multicultural religiosity, humanist religiosity, and social-active religiosity.[Pertanyaan inti yang hendak dijawab melalui artikel ini adalah bagaimanamengkonstruk pendidikan Islam yang sesuai dengan masyarakat plural seperti Indonesia. Untuk menjawab pertanyaan tersebut, penulis merujuk teori pendidikan agama yang terdiri dari tiga model: in, at, dan beyond the wall. Pendidikan agama in the wall adalah model pendidikan agama yang hanya memperhatikan agama sendiri tanpa mendialogkan dengan agama yang lain. Model kedua, pendidikan agama at the wall, tidak hanya mengajar siswa tentang agama mereka sendiri, tapi juga agama yang lain. Model terakhir adalah pendidikan agama beyond the wall, yang membantu siswa untuk bekerjasama dengan siswa lain meski berbeda agama demi tegaknya perdamaian, keadilan, dan harmoni. Dari ketiga model ini, praktek dominan pendidikan Islam didasarkan pada model pertama, yaitu pendidikan agama in the wall. Untuk itu penulis berargumen bahwa sudah saatnya untuk menggeser model pendidikan agama dari in ke at dan beyond the wall, agar siswa Muslim tahu dan kenal akan agama yang lain dan menjadikan mereka mampu bekerjasama dengan siswa lain yang memeluk agama berbeda dengan tujuan memerangi musuh utama agama, yaitu kekerasan, kemiskinan, korupsi, manipulasi, dan sejenisnya. Agar guru-guru agama Islam mampu menerapkan model pendidikan agama seperti ini, maka mereka perlu memiliki model-model keagamaan yang sesusai dengan spirit tersebut, seperti model keagamaan inklusif-pluralis, kritis-reflektif, multikultural, humanis, dan aktif-sosial.
Sharā’it Fahm al-Mutūn wa-Dawr al-Insān: al-Tafakkur al-Hirmīniwtīkī fi’l-Islām ‘ind Muhammad Mujtahid Shabistarī
No full textIsu penafsiran dan interpretasi teks apapun, terutama teks agama, masih menyita banyak peneliti yang mencoba mencari solusinya. Ini karena proses penafsirannya tidak begitu naif karena tumpang tindih dengan berbagai faktor yang membuat proses ini rumit. Artikel ini mengungkapkan pendapat ilmuwan Iran, Muhammad Mujtahid Shabstari, dalam proses penafsiran atau Hermeunetik. Proses penafsiran harus melibatkan faktor-faktor penafsir itu sendiri terlebih dahulu, dan teks kedua, dan isu menempatkan makna teks di lingkungan baru. Penelitian ini mengarahkan peneliti pada kesimpulan bahwa segala jenis proses semacam itu tidak bersifat final dan tidak memperoleh interpretasi yang benar, hanya menyangkal interpretasi lainnya, namun juga rentan terhadap kesalahan dan pada masing-masing akibat dampak dari kepentingan kepentingan penafsir
Strongmen and Religious Leaders in Java: Their Dynamic Relationship in Search of Power
Get PDFThe central purpose of this paper is to explore the dynamic relationship between Javanese strongmen and religious leaders in search of power. Two groups of strongmen --jago in Central and East Java and jawara in Banten-- and religious leaders, such as kyai, tarekat teachers and guru ngaji are the subjects of this discussion. I present two groups of strongmen and religious leaders and sketch how both groups, through their socio-political as well as religious roles, preserve the values of the Javanese and Bantenese. Religious leaders and strongmen have been the source of informal traditional leadership, particularly in villages. Religious leaders have represented leadership in knowledge, while strongmen have represented leadership with regard to braveness and physical magical power. The most visible roles of the strongmen are as power brokers. In the meantime, religious leaders have to be aware of the risk of being alienated and isolated from their horizontal networks within religious circles, but also more importantly, that their high position in society will gradually fade away if they place themselves too close to strongmen and the authorities
Religious Responses to Globalisation
Get PDFSociological discussion of globalisation is preoccupied with the political, economic, and military dimension of it, with little attention to its religious aspect. This paper attempts to trace the impacts of globalisation on religion and religious responses, the argument of which derives mainly from the so-called “Bridge-Building Program” organised by CRCS ICRS-UGM in 2008. It argues that though they share a common concern, people of different faiths are at risk of deepening the problems rather than offering solutions in view of their different responses for which we categorise them into different but overlapping categories -ideological, ambivalent, integrative, exclusive, and imitative. It then leads to a more fundamental question of whether interfaith cooperation is possible given those different and sometime opposing responses.[Dalam kajian sosiologi, diskusi mengenai globalisasi kerap kali semata-mata ditinjau dari sisi politik, enonomi dan militer, sementara dimensi agama sering kali dikesampingkan. Artikel ini membahas dampak globalisasi terhadap agama dan respon komunitas agama terhadap globalisasi. Data yang muncul dalam artikel ini diambil dari sebuah workshop berjudul“Bridge- Building Program.” Melalui artikel ini, saya berpendapat bahwa, meskikomunitas agama-agama memiliki keprihatinan yang sama terhadap dampak globalisasi, namun respon mereka cenderung mempertajam persoalan yang diakibatkan globalisasi, ketimbang memberikan solusi. Respon tersebut dalam dikategorikan –meski tidak kaku- dalam: respon ideologis, ambivalen, integratif, ekslusif dan imitatif. Selanjutnya, artikel juga mengulas pada pertanyaan mendasar mengenai apakah kerjasama antar agama mungkin dilakukan menyimak ragam respon yang saling bertentangan tersebut.
Islam in Provincial Indonesia: Middle Class, Lifestyle, and Democracy
Get PDFIslamic symbols have flourished in the public spaces of Indonesian provincial towns after Suharto. This phenomenon has occurred in parallel with the significant shifts in the social, economic and political fields, which is tied to the mounting impact of Islamization, social mobility, economic growth, and democratization occurring among town people. It is as if we see a parallel move between Islamization, modernization, globalization and democratization. Key concepts associated with these trends are appropriated with those rooted in tradition and local culture to inform the whole dynamics of Indonesian provincial towns today. The key player in this process is the new middle class, who look to Islam for inspiration both to claim distinction and social status and to legitimize their consumptive lifestyle. They are newly pious who act as active negotiators between the global and the local as well as the cosmopolitan centre and the hinterland. They also play a pivotal role as an agency that liberalizes religion from its traditionally subservient, passive and docile posture by turning it into a source of moral legitimacy and distinction to represent a modern form of life. Given its intimate relationship with locality, tradition, modernity as well as globalization, Islam has increasingly assumed a greater importance for local politics. Political elites have used Islamic symbols for the instrumental purpose of extending their political legitimacy and mobilizing constituency support, in a political environment of open competition and increased public participation in decision making. In this process religious symbols have irrefutably been distanced from their religious moorings and narrow, Islamist understandings, in favor of pragmatic political purposes
Reflections on Java and Islam 1979-2010
Get PDFSince the late 1970s, technological developments, especially in communications and transportation, have contributed to growth of new modes of social interaction and, at the same time, to the strengthening of social bonds in geographically dispersed social groups and communities in Yogyakarta. Increased educational opportunities and especially the development of the Islamic university system have contributed to the development of a Muslim middle class and with it a Muslim consumer culture. There has also been a significant shift in the ways in which relationships between culture (kebudayaan) and religion (agama) are conceptualised. Elements of Javanese Muslim tradition including prayer meals (slametan) that were formerly called agama are now more commonly referred to as kebudayaan. This shift reflects and has contributed to the diminution of sectarian conflict. This cultural strategy is not always successful. It does, however, provide a basis for proactive measures to counter sectarian violence. This is evident in “cultural” festivals supported by the kraton (palace) in response to attacks on cultural performance events by exclusivist religious groups.[Sejak dekade 1970an, kemajuan teknologi, utamanya dalam komunikasi dan transportasi, telah mengubah cara interaksi sosial masyarakat Yogyakarta dan, pada saat yang sama, semakin memperkokoh ikatan antar kelompok sosial. Semakin meningkatnya kesempatan belajar [sekolah], utamanya dengan berdirinya Universitas Islam, terbukti mendorong terciptanya kalangan ‘Muslim kelas menengah’ sekaligus konsumerisme yang melekat pada kalangan tersebut. Selain itu, terjadi pula perubahan konsep dalammenilai agama dan kebudayaan. Beberapa bentuk tradisi Islam Jawa, seperti slametan, yang dulunya dinilai sebagai ritual agama, saat ini hanya disebut sebagai kebudayaan. Perubahan ini menggambarkan dan bahkan berperan dalam meminimalisir konflik sektarian, seperti terlihat jelas dalam acara festival “budaya” yang diadakan kraton sebagai respon terhadap pembubaran pementasan budaya oleh kalangan Muslim ekslusif.