NUPI Research Online (Norwegian Institute of International Affairs)
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Russian foreign policy and interactiobn effects
In current popular analysis, Russian foreign policy is explained from within: even in our presentations today, it is Russia’s relations to Europe, to the West, to China etc, that we address – it is not how these entities relate to Russia - As if Russia’s every move can be explained solely with reference to Russia itself. Identity scholarship often has a similar problem: we dissect the articulation of identity in one political entity and then look at what conditions of possibility such identifications create for foreign policy action This is a very useful exercise. But somehow - when watching developments - you get the sense that the processes of othering (-of construing the other as a threat-) in one political entity is tied to such processes in other political entities. We miss something if we study what the states do in isolation from each other. There are probably important interaction effects that we need to take into account if we want to explain the direction of Russian foreign policy.Russian foreign policy and interactiobn effectssubmittedVersio
Business as usual? The private sector’s changing role in Arctic environmental governance
The research presented in this policy brief is part of the POLGOV: Science and Business in Arctic Environmental Governance project, which was supported by the POLARPROG section of the Norwegian Research Council (project #48862).How has the private sector engaged in crossborder Arctic diplomacy? Despite a focus on business actors as targets of policy recommendations from the Arctic Council and an increased attention on the importance of engaging with the private sector, we find that business actors have not yet been heavily involved in shaping Arctic governance outcomes. The brief concludes with recommendations as to how the capacity of the private sector can be engaged to secure better Arctic environmental governance.publishedVersio
BRI in Central Asia: Energy Connectivity Projects
One of the strategic objectives of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in Central Asia is to provide China with alternative import/export and energy supply routes. This data article shows that the presentation and coverage of BRI projects varies considerably from country to country. The largest number of BRI projects in Central Asia are implemented in Kazakhstan and are in the oil and gas sector. By contrast, Turkmenistan is implementing only a few Chinese energy projects, though they are large-scale and its sum of investment is the second-largest of the Central Asian states.BRI in Central Asia: Energy Connectivity ProjectspublishedVersio
Ten Years On: Reassessing the Stoltenberg Report on Nordic Cooperation
Ten years ago, the report ‘Nordic cooperation on foreign and security policy’ was presented to the Nordic foreign ministers at an extraordinary meeting in Oslo, Norway. Penned and fronted by Norway’s former foreign minister Thorvald Stoltenberg, the report proposed thirteen ways in which Nordic cooperation in the foreign and security domain could be formalized and strengthened. In this review, we revisit these thirteen proposals and ask: How important was the 2009 Stoltenberg Report for boosting Nordic foreign and security policy cooperation? What progress can we observe in the decade that has passed since the report was released?publishedVersio
How UN Peacekeeping Operations Can Adapt to a New Multipolar World Order
We are experiencing a momentous phase-shift with potentially significant implications for UN peacekeeping. The unipolar era is waning in the face of a significant increase in the economic and political influence of countries like China and India in the global system. It is still uncertain what may follow the unipolar era, but there are signs that the next stage will be a new multipolar era, in which several states–the United States, China, Germany, India, and Russia, to name a few–each have access to networks and forms of power sufficient to prevent any of the others from unilaterally dominating the global order. Another emerging characteristic of this transition is that several international and regional organizations, numerous large companies, and some non-governmental agencies, can exert significant influence on the global system on selected issues where they have a substantial capacity or competency. What implications will these changes at the global systems level have for UN peacekeeping operations? I will highlight three themes–strategic political coherence, the employment of force, and the outer limits of peace operations–that may suggest how UN peacekeeping are likely to adapt to a new multipolar world order.How UN Peacekeeping Operations Can Adapt to a New Multipolar World OrderpublishedVersio