1,720,976 research outputs found
Tunisian Politics in France: Long-Distance Activism since the 1980s
No full textInternational audienceWhat does it mean to oppose or support an authoritarian regime from afar? During the years of Ben Ali's dictatorship in Tunisia between 1987 and 2011, diaspora activism played a key role in the developments of post-independence Tunisian politics. Centring this study on long-distance activism in France, where the majority of leftist and Islamist exile groups took refuge, Mathilde Zederman explores how this activism helps to shed new light on Tunisia's political history. Tunisian Politics in France closely explores the interactions and conflicts between different constellations of pro-regime and oppositional actors in France, examining the dynamics of what the author persuasively describes as a 'trans-state space of mobilisation'. In doing so, Zederman draws attention to the constraints and possibilities of long-distance activism. Utilising material gathered from extensive fieldwork in France and Tunisia, this study considers how the evolution of diaspora activism both challenges and reinforces the boundaries of Tunisian politics
Engagements en exil entre causes anti-régime et causes immigrées : Mobilisations tunisiennes à distance sous le régime autoritaire de Ben Ali
No full textInternational audienc
L’écriture de l’histoire et la mémoire des mobilisations en exil comme champ de luttes
No full textInternational audienc
The Hegemonic Bourguibist Discourse on Modernity in Post-revolutionary Tunisia
No full textInternational audienceThis article examines the continued resonance of Bourguibist discourses on modernity within Tunisia, how his political legacy continues to serve as a point of reference for diverse political movements, and therefore seeks to question how this conceptualization of modernity remains hegemonic. I posit that the national narrative of “modernity” conveyed by Bourguiba in the post-independence era should be understood as an arena of struggle over power and identity, and accordingly that both serve to shed light on how collective memory is mobilized as a political idiom to legitimise certain ideological agendas and views on what is deemed the “right” Tunisian national identity. With specific reference to Ennahda and Nidaa Tounes, I argue that understanding the prevailing political and social scene of post-revolutionary Tunisia necessitates examination of the social construction of Bourguiba, how he has come to be “mythologised” in order to generate support at a national level, and more importantly how this functions within broader discursive strategies towards power. In seeking to move beyond the current binarism that situates Islamists and so-called “secularists” (supposedly heirs of Bourguibism) in opposition, this study seeks to demonstrate the commonalities within their respective appropriations of the Bourguibist legacy in the post-revolutionary context, and thereby to elucidate how his normative heritage serves as a touchstone for seemingly contradictory ideological currents
Les espaces d’entre-soi militant en exil. Les sociabilités militantes du mouvement Ennahda en France
No full textInternational audienc
L’archivage des mobilisations en exil comme champ de luttes. Le cas du militantisme tunisien en France
No full textInternational audienc
Construction nationale et mémoire collective : islamisme et bourguibisme en Tunisie (1956-2014)
No full textInternational audienceFocusing on the case of bourguibism and Islamism in Tunisia, this article examines the reasons behind the persistence of frameworks inherited from the independence period. It thus scrutinises the causes, manifestations and the limits of the uses of the past in Tunisia as well as the difficulties escaping such an anchored national framework. By replacing Tunisian Islamism in all its plurality and perpetual change, this research allows for understanding the filiations, the appropriations, the links and the oppositions between Islamism and bourguibism. In addition, this article demonstrates the diverse Islamist ways of dealing with bourguibism and its memory.Cet article étudie les raisons sous-tendant la rémanence des cadres hérités des indépendances, en se focalisant sur le cas de la Tunisie bourguibiste et du mouvement islamiste tunisien. Il s’attache ainsi à analyser les causes, les manifestations, les limites des usages du passé en Tunisie ainsi que les difficultés de se départir d’un cadre national si bien ancré. En replaçant l’islamisme tunisien dans toute sa pluralité et son perpétuel mouvement, cette recherche permet d’appréhender les filiations, les réappropriations, les passerelles et les oppositions entre islamisme et bourguibisme. Elle permet également de mieux restituer les différents rapports que les islamistes tunisiens entretiennent au bourguibisme et à sa mémoire
L’entre-soi militant en exil. Les sociabilités du mouvement tunisien Ennahda en France (1981-2018)
No full textInternational audienceBased on a study of the activists of the Tunisian Islamic movement Ennahda exiled in France under the Bourguiba and Ben Ali regimes, this article examines the conditions under which engagement to activism can be maintained in this particular configuration of exile. Through the analysis of activist social ties outside the country of origin, it sheds light on what entre-soi practices produce in terms of politics and engagement. The creation of the Nahdawi militant entre-soi involves a series of mechanisms (socio-cultural and festive activities, religious encadrement, professional networks, etc.) that breed attachment to the group and nurture its internal cohesion. It also involves drawing symbolic lines between ‘us’ and ‘others’ - in this case, non-Nahdawi immigrant and working-class Tunisian communities. Finally, this entre-soi acts as a vehicle for the transmission of activism. The article thus highlights the ambivalence of entre-soi practices in exile. On the one hand, these practices enable the accumulation of resources to protect the group and ensure its continuity. On the other hand, they remain subject to various power relations - linked to social origin, place of residence and degree of integration within the organization - and end up hindering Nahdawi reconfiguration in the post-revolutionary period.À partir du cas des militant·es du mouvement tunisien à référent islamique Ennahda, exilé·es en France sous les régimes de Bourguiba et de Ben Ali, cet article interroge les conditions de possibilité du maintien de l’engagement dans cette configuration particulière qu’est l’exil. En analysant les sociabilités militantes hors du pays d’origine, il éclaire ce que les pratiques d’entre-soi produisent comme rapport au politique et à l’engagement sur le long terme. La fabrique de l’entre-soi militant nahdawi passe par une série de dispositifs (des activités socio-culturelles, des sociabilités festives, un encadrement religieux, des réseaux professionnels, etc.) qui nourrissent l’attachement au groupe et sa cohésion interne. Elle suppose également de faire groupe autour d’un « nous » et de mettre d’« autres » à distance – ici les communautés tunisiennes immigrées non nahdawies et de classes populaires. Cet entre-soi agit enfin comme vecteur de transmission de l’engagement. L’article met ainsi en lumière l’ambivalence des pratiques d’entre-soi en exil : si elles permettent d’accumuler des ressources pour protéger le groupe et assurer sa continuité, ces pratiques restent traversées par divers rapports de pouvoir – liés à l’origine sociale, au lieu de résidence et au degré d’insertion au sein de l’organisation – et finissent par entraver la reconfiguration nahdawie dans la période post-révolutionnaire
- …
