269 research outputs found
PERBANDINGAN HUBUNGAN SIPIL-MILITER DI INDONESIA PADA MASA ABDURRAHMAN WAHID DENGAN ERDOGAN DI TURKI
No full textAbstract: This paper aims to compare civil-military relations in Indonesia during Abdurrahman Wahid's (1999-2001) period with Turkey during Erdogan's (2003-2011) by looking at civilian control over the military. The study looks at the differences and similarities between the two countries and the causes of Erdogan's success and Abdurrahman Wahid's failure to control the military. In this research, the author used a qualitative approach. The results showed that there were similarities and differences in civil-military relations between Gus Dur and Erdogan, as seen from civil control over the military. The similarities could bee seen at the beginning of their reign. Abdurrahman and Erdogan had strong civilian control over the military so that they could reduce the military's role in politics with various policies issued. This strong control is also supported by political conditions, political elites, and society. However, there were differences in civil-military relations at the end of the Gus Dur and Erdogan governments. Civilian control over the military weakened at the end of the Gus Dur’s reign which caused him to fall from his position as the President of the Republic of Indonesia, whereas Erdogan’s civilian control over the military was getting stronger. The failure factor for Abdurrahman to strengthen civilian control over the military was a radical change. In contrast to Erdogan who made changes gradually with the support of politics and society.Keywords: Turkey; Indonesia; Abdurrahman Wahid; Erdogan; Civil-Military Relation
Authoritarianism, Erdogan and Anti-Secularisation in Turkey
No full textBakalaura darba “Autoritārisms, Erdogans un antisekulārisms Turcijā” mērķis ir izpētīt, kā Turcijas prezidents Redžeps Tajips Erdogans, izmantojot sabiedrības vēsturisko un šī brīža polarizāciju un varas konsolidēšanas metodes, veic konservatīvas politiskās reformas, kas sekmē antisekulārisma politiku Turcijā, graujot sekulāro institūciju integritāti. Darbā tiek analizēta Erdogana virzītā reforma par izstāšanos no Stambulas konvencijas. Šis ir ļoti nozīmīgs temats, jo tas tiešā mērā ietekmē Latvijas kā Eiropas Savienības dalībvalsts un Turcijas attiecības starptautiskā kontekstā. Darba izstrādes laikā autore ir secinājusi, ka Redžeps Tajips Erdogans ar veiksmīgu politisko stratēģiju un varas konsolidācijas metodēm, izmantojot polarizāciju valstī un uzrunājot konservatīvo sabiedrības daļu, ir stiprinājis un centralizējis varu AKP un savās rokās. Pieņemot konservatīvas reformas un likumprojektus, kas grauj sekulāro institūciju integritāti un darbošanās spējas, Erdogans veido antisekulārisma politiku Turcijā, kas veicina valstī pieaugošo autoritārismu.Bachelor’s thesis “Authoritarianism, Erdogan and Anti-secularism in Turkey” objective is to discover how the president of Turkey Recep Tayyip Erdoğan utilises the historical and current societal polarisation and power consolidation methods to implement conservative political reforms, furthering anti-secularism politics in Turkey, whilst undermining the integrity of secular institutions. In the bachelor’s thesis the author has analyzed Erdogans push for withdrawal of Istanbul convention. This is an important topic as it directly influences Latvia as a part of European Union and the international relations on global scale. During the development of bachelor’s thesis, the author has concluded that Recep Tayyip Erdoğan with successful political strategy, power consolidation methods and utilisation of societal polarisation has strengthened and centralised the power in the hands of Justice and Development party(AKP) and himself. Whilst adopting conservative reforms and policies Erdogan has eroded the integrity and role of secular institutions. The promotion of anti-secular politics in Turkey fosters increasing authoritarianism in Turke
Erratum to: Vinpocetine and Vasoactive Intestinal Peptide Attenuate Manganese-Induced Toxicity in NE-4C Cells (Biol Trace Elem Res (2016), 10.1007/s12011-016-0742-z)
No full textIn the above-mentioned article, the author names Mumin Alper Erdogan and Saylav Bora were written incorrectly as Alper Mümin Erdoğan and Ejder Saylav Bora, respectively. However, these errors have been already corrected in both the referenced article and in the author listing for this article. The authors regret the oversight. © 2016, Springer Science+Business Media New York
ERDOGAN STAYS: PROSPECTS FOR TURKEY’S RELATIONS WITH THE US, EU AND RUSSIA. PART 1
No full textIn the second round on May 28, 2023, Turkish presidential candidate R.T. Erdogan defeated his rival. The victory was expected, but by no means triumphant, as the supporters of the current government hoped. This insignificant advantage was achieved, according to the author, due to
the successes in Erdogan’s foreign policy. Thus, the main task was solved, in the name of which he
sought to create the image of a «Strong Turkey», aggravating relations with his partners in NATO
and the EU – the extension and strengthening of his own power. In this article, the author focuses
on the question: will Erdogan also base his third term through a «tough» (forceful) policy or will he
soften relations with partners in the alliance and the EU? An analysis of the available material
gives grounds to believe that today Ankara is working for a second option (reducing tension) in relations with partners. The contours of this line appear quite clearly. The author also puts a question
– what can Ankara’s progress in this direction mean for its relations with Moscow
Hagia Sophia and its Role in Politics of R. T. Erdogan
No full textPráce je zaměřena na Hagii Sofii a její roli v politice tureckého prezidenta Recepa Tayyipa Erdogana, za jehož vlády byla v červenci 2020 přeměněna na mešitu. Práce představuje historicko-politický kontext a symboliku, kterou Hagia Sofia za svou existenci jako kostel, mešita a muzeum zastávala, a objasňuje, proč je v mnohých ohledech tolik výjimečná a jak tuto důležitost prezident Erdogan využívá ve svůj prospěch. Skrze analýzu oficiálních prohlášení turecké vlády ohledně Hagie Sofie práce ukazuje, že se v přeměně Hagie Sofie na mešitu zrcadlí mnohé aspekty prezidentovy politiky jako proislámské a neo-osmanské postoje, potřeba dokázat suverénnost země nebo jeho role zachránce všech muslimů. Se zaměřením na silně polarizovanou společnost Turecka a jeho politickou scénu, dochází autorka k závěru, že přeměna Hagie Sofie na mešitu i přes pozornost, kterou obdržela na mezinárodní úrovni, měla politický dopad pouze na domácí půdu. Prezident Erdogan se tímto krokem snažil kompenzovat ztráty voličů z posledních let a získat tak přízeň z řad konzervativců a nacionalistů. Přeměna Hagie Sofie nicméně nepřinesla v tomto směru očekávané výsledky, vůči opozici prezident a jeho strana AKP i nadále ztrácí.The work focuses on Hagia Sophia and its role in the politics of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, under whose rule it was transformed into a mosque in July 2020. The work presents the historical-political context and symbolism that Hagia Sophia held for its existence as a church, mosque, and museum explains why it is so special in many respects and how President Erdogan uses this importance to his advantage. Through an analysis of the official statements of the Turkish government regarding Hagia Sophia, the work shows that the transformation of Hagia Sophia into a mosque reflects many aspects of the president's policy such as pro-Islamic and neo-Ottoman attitudes, the need to prove the country's sovereignty or his role as savior of all Muslims. Focusing on Turkey's highly polarized society and its political scene, the author concludes that the transformation of Hagia Sophia into a mosque, despite the attention it received at the international level, had a political impact only on domestic soil. With this move, President Erdogan sought to compensate for the loss of voters in recent years, gaining the favor of conservatives and nationalists. However, the transformation of Hagia Sophia did not bring the expected results in this direction, the president and his AKP party continue to lose to the opposition.Fakulta filozofickáStudentka představila komisi diplomové práce. Vedoucí práce shrnul svůj posudek. Poté byl přečten posudek oponenta.Na tyto posudky studentka reagovala. Zodpověděla také doplňující otázkyDokončená práce s úspěšnou obhajobo
ERDOGAN STAYS: PROSPECTS FOR TURKEY’S RELATIONS WITH THE US, EU AND RUSSIA. PART 2
No full textThe first part of the article examines the fundamental aspects of the transformation of foreign policy concepts and strategies of the Republic of Turkey at the end of the second and beginning
of the third presidential terms of Recep Tayyip Erdogan. The author’s assumption that the newly
elected president in foreign policy is likely to follow the path of overcoming tensions with his Western allies and partners is justified by the analysis of the events taking place in Ankara’s relations
with Washington given in the article. In the second part, the author of the article focuses on the
emerging prospects for Turkey’s relations with the EU countries. The emphasis is on the analysis of
the events of «crisis periods» in bilateral relations between Ankara and Brussels (in 2016 and 2020)
and attempts to overcome their consequences. An important milestone in the trajectory of their reconciliation was Russia’s Special Military Operation on the territory of Ukraine. In its context, Erdogan continues to assert his role as an intermediary not only between Moscow and Kiev, but also
as a channel of communication between Russia and the NATO countries as a whole
Careers advancement of women: Applying a multi-level relational perspective in the context of Turkish banking organisations
No full textORCID iD: Didem Taser-Erdogan https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5906-2909.Copyright © The Author(s) 2021. This article investigates the question of why women remain underrepresented in management positions despite their increasing presence in the Turkish banking sector context. By using an integrative framework that brings together the relational and institutional perspectives, this article seeks to understand how macro-level contextual influences reflect on meso-organisational processes and practices, which in turn influence women’s micro-individual career trajectories. This article explores the careers experiences of 49 female banking professionals from three distinct banking organisations (Turkish, western and Islamic).
The findings reveal that women’s limited representation at managerial level is an outcome of the interplay between macro-, meso- and micro-level issues. At the macro-level, the article highlights religion-based fragmented social structure as a key factor in the socio-cultural context of Turkey. At the meso-level, the analysis of the three different cases identifies factors relevant to both western and Middle Eastern societal contexts. At the micro-level, the analysis highlights how women’s perceptions of macro-level barriers change depending on their organisational context, emphasising the interrelatedness between these three levels. The article contributes to women’s career literature by providing the Turkish perspective and introducing novel insights into the interplay between societal forces, organisational practices and individuals’ perceptions.The author received no financial support for the research, authorship and/or publication of this article
STUDI KOMPARATIF KARAKTER KEPEMIMPINAN PRESIDEN JOKO WIDODO DAN PRESIDEN RECEP TAYYIP ERDOGAN PRESPEKTIF FIKIH SIYASAH
No full textThe state is the most important subject and has keistimewan than the other subjects (par excellence) of international law this is not only because the state is able to fulfill the elements of the criteria as "international legal personalities. According to Wahjosumidjo Leadership is essentially something that is inherent in a leader in the form of certain traits such as: Behavior (personality), ability and capability. Ability is the capacity and capability possessed by each person individually to carry out tasks in the work that has become his responsibility. Behavior (personality) is a leader's personality that is manifested in relation to managing tasks and relationships with subordinates to achieve common goals. a capable president or leader is needed to bring this country towards a developed and prosperous country. In 2 periods of presidential leadership, Indonesia was led by a president named Joko Widodo who has brought a lot of progress in various aspects thanks to his leadership. And Turkeyye has a Preisden named Recep Tayyip Erdogan.
This research is a library research (Library Resourch) data assessment is carried out descriptively comparative with a sociological approach. Data sources are obtained from various literatures relevant to the research theme. Data findings are analyzed based on leadership theory and fikih siyasah.
This research concludes the statement that President Joko Widodo emphasizes Al-mashlahah in his leadership according to the author that leadership prioritizes the principles of public interest and public welfare. Al-mashlahah is a concept in Islam that emphasizes achieving welfare and common good. According to the author himself, President Erdogan emphasizes Al-Ijma, which is an agreement or consensus of fuqaha (fiqh experts) in one case, indicating that it tends to emphasize legitimacy and mutual consent in the context of Islamic Law. Al-Ijma is one of the sources of Islamic law based on the agreement of fiqh experts on the interpretation or resolution of a legal issue. In this case, according to the author Erdogan's leadership that in order to achieve justice and sustainability, it is important to follow the views and agreements given by scholars and fiqh experts in a particular context
CT anatomy of pterygopalatine fossa and its communications: a pictorial review
No full textIn this article, we present a pictorial review computed tomography (CT) anatomy of pterygopalatine fossa and its communications. Since it represents a major pathway for spread of inflammatory or neoplastic disease between the various compartments, being familiar with the high resolution CT appearance of pterygopalatine fossa and its communications is necessary in selected cases. The diagnostic difficulties in determining the intercompartmental spread is discussed. (C) 2003 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. Abstract In this article, we present a pictorial review computed tomography (CT) anatomy of pterygopalatine fossa and its communications. Since it represents a major pathway for spread of inflammatory or neoplastic disease between the various compartments, being familiar with the high resolution CT appearance of pterygopalatine fossa and its communications is necessary in selected cases. The diagnostic difficulties in determining the intercompartmental spread is discussed.</p
Fortune at the Bottom of the Pyramid: An Alternative Perspective
No full textThe Bottom of the Pyramid (BOP) has emerged as one of the dominant ideas in business. Cognizant of the overwhelming attention BOP has attracted and its potential impact on the billions of the poor and on managerial practices, the author analyzes the different aspects of BOP approach on how large corporations can serve low income customers profitably. An attempt is made to provide an alternate perspective on the BOP concept. I argue for the facilitation of selective consumption by the poor by avoiding their undesirable inclusion (marketing products that are not likely to enhance their wellbeing or products that are likely to be abused by them) and exclusion (not offering products that are likely to enhances their wellbeing) in target market selection decisions by the private sector organizations. A framework is presented for assessing the appropriateness of large corporations’ participation in BOP markets. I also emphasize the need to strengthen the role of the poor as a producer for rapid poverty alleviation.
- …
