1,720,967 research outputs found
Onset analysis of the frozen conflict taking place in Eastern-Ukraine
Full text linkThe paper discusses the background of the ongoing frozen conflict in Eastern-
Ukraine. Within the country groups of the Post-Soviet region, especially among those
countries which became independent from the Soviet Union directly, this is not the
first case to experience these kinds of conflicts. Prominent examples are Moldova and
Georgia for frozen conflicts from the mentioned region. These countries are facing major
geopolitical challenges since declaring their independence. This paper aims to analyze
the background of the ongoing conflict in Ukraine, to understand the real cause behind
the breakout of violence. The paper forms the hypothesis that the real driving forces and
motivations were not ancient hatred or the involvement of the Russian Government, but
rather the clash of local elites and their promises of opportunities for better living. To
prove this, the paper uses the scholarly work of Civil War Studies focusing on qualitative
methods. The paper suggests that although the involvement of the Russian troops was
proven, the conflict itself cannot only be considered as a hybrid-war between two Eastern-
European countries, as it also shows signs of a classic civil war. The paper will discuss
all the criteria of a classic civil war, and in the conclusion it will form a clear statement
regarding this conflict
Can NATO Be Considered as an International Regime?
Full text linkIn the following paper, with the assistance of the international regime theory and hegemonic stability theory, a better understanding of the formation and creation of NATO is provided. The topic is linked to the ongoing debate about its future and to the high tensions currently taking place in Eastern Ukraine. The paper forms the hypothesis that NATO has been created to advocate the interest of the US. Based on qualitative research methodology, the main conclusion is that the current hegemon status of the US is under threat, which is resulting in higher maintenance costs
Economic opportunities or integrational challenges — The case study of Ukraine
Full text linkThe following dissertation discusses the Europeanization process of Ukraine and the challenges it will pose. Despite notable changes during the last six years, it still needs to be apparent whether Ukraine has its place in European integration. In 2022, candidate status has officially been provided to Ukraine, and many politicians are urging a fast-track membership. Despite the fact that war caused massive decrease in economic output, the country still has its huge potential and after the conflict it is likely that it will not return to the Russian interest zone; Ukraine’s only option is the EU, but it requires preparation form both sides. The main idea for this research arose from the geopolitical challenge faced by the post- Soviet countries. The work argues that a security-related evaluation should be added alongside the economic readiness evaluation for the Eastern Partnership countries to understand their assessment better. As the possibility of disintegration is also a real threat and a valid option in the coming years, external and internal challenges of Ukraine has been discussed as well. One of the goals of the research was to assess the recently executed reforms. Some of the positive aspects are: restored anti-corruption institutions, proper land reform that increased Ukraine's agricultural competitiveness, banking system have been reformed, de-oligarchisation law was created. All in all, during the last 3-4 years, long-awaited fundamental changes have started in the country and Zelensky still has the opportunity to continue this his way on this path. Another important goal of the writing was to assess Ukraine’s economic situation based on an adapted version of Palánkai’s framework. Overall, the integration analysis has shown beyond any doubt that Ukraine is not ready for European integration at the moment, as it has not been able to meet most of the criteria and expectations. It is worth mentioning that there have been positive changes in several areas, such as price liberalisation, international trade increased, IT sector was booming and corruption was decreasing. However, there are still severe shortcomings in competition policy, financial sustainability and macro stability, not even mentioning the available level of skilled labour which will be a huge challenge after the war ends. There is indeed a vast economic potential in Ukraine, but they could not use it for 30 years. Providing them immediate EU membership would cause further problems within the country's economic structures. They must eliminate most of their shortcomings, and the EU should help and supervise them. The third goal was to create a composite indicator and then apply it in the comparison between Ukraine and other EU candidate countries. Based on the result, Ukraine is behind not only the least developed EU Member States, but even many Western-Balkan countries are in better shape. With the assistance of the created composite indicator, the main economic aspects have been compared. Ukraine is an agricultural and industrial country with vast natural resources, in parallel the Balkan countries are a collection of small countries with diverse economies ranging from service-based to industrial and manufacturing-oriented. In terms of economic indicators, the Balkan countries and Ukraine differ significantly. The Balkan countries have a higher GDP per capita at PPP than Ukraine, and their economies have grown faster in recent years. The Balkan countries, particularly Serbia and Montenegro, have attracted noteworthy foreign investment in recent years, while Ukraine has struggled to attract foreign investment, with corruption and political instability being mainly barriers. Another relevant difference is their levels of entrepreneurship and innovation. The Balkan countries have a relatively high level of entrepreneurship and innovation, with many successful start-ups and technology companies emerging recently. Based on the findings, their situation differs from the Western Balkan countries. They are far from the maturity level that Montenegro and Serbia are already representing. Regarding the non-economic research of the work, the goal was to understand the external actor's roles and interests on the one hand, and present the internal obstacles that Ukraine is facing on the other hand. It is obvious that the American hegemony is declining, and more and more challenges are rising towards their global leading role. From the EU's side, a higher contribution is being demanded to its security as their bandwagoning strategy cannot be obtained anymore. It became clear after the breakout of the war that only with commercial relations it is not possible to ensure peace, the role of security has significantly increased in the international relations. Another important aspect is that the EU needs a more straightforward concept of how to deal with the Eastern Partnership countries. From Russia's perspective, these countries are part of their interest zone and willing to take even military actions to protect their influence. Nevertheless, there are also many concerning factors in Ukraine internally. Their identity seeking problem still is a significant challenge, and it is also an open question of how the oligarchic elite will react and behave themselves during the war. The already achieved results from the last 6-7 years are showing that the Ukrainians are determined in joining the EU and potentially NATO. If they will receive the necessary economic, military and legal support then their goals can be realized, it will only be a question of time. However, momentarily it would be a controversial decision to provide them fast-track membership in any cooperation. The most relevant limitations of the study were the following: limited scope - geopolitical aspects were missing; time constraints – the effects of COVID and the breakout of the full scale war were only partially covered; data accessibility – in this part of the world data collection is always a challenge. However, there are general limitations that the research could overcome: generalisability and challenges with replication. As a result of this work further researches can be conducted in the topic. First and foremost, the adopted integration maturity assessment can be used for other Eastern Partnership countries. In parallel, a similar composite indicator can be replicated for the political and institutional aspects. Another part of the topic that would worth to research is the geopolitical aspects of the question. The war in Ukraine can be seen as a challenge towards the unipolar system, it is basically a post hegemonial conflict. But it is a highly relevant question whether it will turn to a bi or multi poral one by the end of the decade. In this work there was no opportunity to discuss these significant questions, but its results could contribute to a further research related to the above mentioned problems
Ukrajna gazdasági integrációs érettségének alakulása
Full text linkThe paper discusses the issue of economic maturity in the case of Ukraine. The country has joined the European Union’s Eastern Partnership program in 2008 and since then several economic issues and problems were revealed related to their accession. The aim of this paper is to analyze the economic integration maturity of Ukraine before the Maidan square revolution and since then. The paper suggests that the country was not fulfilling the Copenhagen criteria in 2014, and during the reign of the Poroshenko administration the situation only worsened. The paper forms the hypothesis that Ukraine does not fulfill all the economic criteria for EU accession in 2021 despite their political willingness. To prove this, the paper uses the methodology of economic integration maturity theory. Future prolongation of the work could be a research about the current possibilities of the Ukrainian government in the framework of Eastern Partnership.A cikk Ukrajna gazdasági érettségének alakulását tárgyalja. Az ország 2008-ban csatlakozott az Európai Unió Keleti Partnerség programjába, amelynek keretein belül az európai államok mélyebb betekintést nyerhettek az ukrán gazdaság helyzetébe. A cikk célja Ukrajna gazdasági érettségének elemzése az Euromajdan előtti és utáni állapotokat összehasonlítva a háború kitöréséig. A fő hipotézis szerint Ukrajna gazdasági fejlettsége nem felel meg az elvártaknak, annak ellenére sem, hogy komoly politikai szándék vezérli az ukrán vezetést, és elhivatottak az EU-csatlakozás ügyében, amely az utóbbi években kibontakozó reformok bevezetésében testesült meg. Az állítás bizonyításához kvalitatív elemzést, illetve adatelemzést használok fel a gazdasági integrációs érettség keretrendszerén belül. További kutatási területe a témának Ukrajna Keleti Partnerségen belül betöltött szerepe és gazdasági lehetőségeinek elemzése
Ukrajna gazdasági integrációs érettségének alakulása = The Evaluation of Ukraine’s Economic Integration Maturity
No full textA cikk Ukrajna gazdasági érettségének alakulását tárgyalja. Az ország 2008-ban csatlakozott az Európai Unió Keleti Partnerség programjába, amelynek keretein belül az európai államok mélyebb betekintést nyerhettek az ukrán gazdaság helyzetébe. A cikk célja Ukrajna gazdasági érettségének elemzése az Euromajdan előtti és utáni állapotokat összehasonlítva a háború kitöréséig. A fő hipotézis szerint Ukrajna gazdasági fejlettsége nem felel meg az elvártaknak, annak ellenére sem, hogy komoly politikai szándék vezérli az ukrán vezetést, és elhivatottak az EU-csatlakozás ügyében, amely az utóbbi években kibontakozó reformok bevezetésében testesült meg. Az állítás bizonyításához kvalitatív elemzést, illetve adatelemzést használok fel a gazdasági integrációs érettség keretrendszerén belül. További kutatási területe a témának Ukrajna Keleti Partnerségen belül betöltött szerepe és gazdasági lehetőségeinek elemzése. | The paper discusses the issue of economic maturity in the case of Ukraine. The country
has joined the European Union’s Eastern Partnership program in 2008 and since then
several economic issues and problems were revealed related to their accession. The aim
of this paper is to analyze the economic integration maturity of Ukraine before the
Maidan square revolution and since then. The paper suggests that the country was
not fulfilling the Copenhagen criteria in 2014, and during the reign of the Poroshenko
administration the situation only worsened. The paper forms the hypothesis that
Ukraine does not fulfill all the economic criteria for EU accession in 2021 despite
their political willingness. To prove this, the paper uses the methodology of economic integration maturity theory. Future prolongation of the work could be a research
about the current possibilities of the Ukrainian government in the framework of
Eastern Partnership
Ukraine’s Reconstruction Pathways: Agriculture, Migration, Education, and the Europeanisation of Post-War Recovery
Full text linkThis article examines Ukraine’s reconstruction through the lens of post-conflict recovery, European integration, and sectoral transformation. Drawing on comparative cases from the Balkans, Caucasus, and East Asia, it identifies five interdependent domains that shape Ukraine’s trajectory: agriculture, rural development, trade and EU integration, labour migration, and education. The analysis highlights how Ukraine’s recovery is unfolding in the midst of war, requiring parallel rather than sequential reforms. Europeanisation provides a unique anchor, aligning domestic transformation with accession incentives. Findings emphasise the need for demining, inclusive rural revitalisation, diversification of exports, circular migration strategies, and youth-centred education reform. The discussion underscores that reconstruction must be mutually reinforcing across sectors, locally embedded through decentralised governance, and safeguarded by transparency and equity. By synthesising comparative insights and policy frameworks, the article argues that Ukraine’s reconstruction represents both a national imperative and an important priority for European states. It concludes that success will depend on transforming vulnerabilities into opportunities, sustaining reform momentum under war conditions, and institutionalising inclusive, interdependent, and human-capital-centred recovery strategies
Gazdasági populizmus színesben - portrék Kelet-Közép-Európából : Benczes István (szerk.): Economic policies of populist leaders: a Central and Eastern European perspective. Routledge, Abingdon, 2024, 279 oldal
No full text
Going Beyond Counting First Authors in Author Co-citation Analysis
Full text linkThe present study examines one of the fundamental aspects of author co-citation analysis (ACA) - the way co-citation
counts are defined. Co-citation counting provides the data on which all subsequent statistical analyses and mappings
are based, and we compare ACA results based on two different types of co-citation counting - the traditional type that
only counts the first one among a cited work's authors on the one hand and a non-traditional type that takes into
account the first 5 authors of a cited work on the other hand. Results indicate that the picture produced through this non-traditional author co-citation counting contains more coherent author groups and is therefore considerably clearer. However, this picture represents fewer specialties in the research field being studied than that produced through the traditional first-author co-citation counting when the same number of top-ranked authors is selected and analyzed. Reasons for these effects are discussed
Editorial Note: Ukraine’s Reconstruction and the V4’s Strategic Responsibility
Full text linkThe war in Ukraine has generated the greatest political, social, and economic challenge to Europe since the end of the Cold War. The devastation of infrastructure, industry, and communities is immense, yet the process of reconstruction has already begun. Unlike earlier episodes of post-conflict recovery, Ukraine’s trajectory is inseparable from its aspirations for European Union membership, and therefore from the interests of its immediate neighbours. For the Visegrád Four (V4) countries — Poland, Hungary, Slovakia, and the Czech Republic — Ukraine’s integration represents both an extraordinary challenge and a historic opportunity. This special issue of the journal brings together a set of articles that engage with different facets of Ukraine’s reconstruction and integration. Collectively, they demonstrate that the challenges Ukraine faces cannot be reduced to technical fixes or isolated reforms. They concern the very principles of statehood, development, and governance in a post-war context. At the same time, they reveal that Ukraine’s path forward is intimately tied to the strategies, policies, and political choices of the V4 countries, which have themselves undergone profound transformation since the 1990s
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