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    The Role of Values in Japanese Elite Views of Contemporary Japan-China Relations

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    The thesis seeks to clarify understanding of the role values play in Japanese views of contemporary Japan-China relations. It seeks to answer the question: how consistently do values play a role in Japanese elite thought, both academic and political, thought in explaining contemporary Japan-China relations? This research draws from Japanese scholarly articles, documents and statements issued by the Japanese government, various news sources, publications of organisations, speeches made by Japanese government officials, and related secondary literature. The thesis demonstrates that not only are Japan-China relations problematic, but so are some of the contexts and value perceptions with which a number of leading Japanese scholars and members of the political elite view and explain these relations. It ultimately argues that adherence to values is indeed important and that, in order to make significant progress in its relations with China, Japan also needs to have a deeper understanding of the very values it considers important

    The Role of Values in Japanese Elite Views of Contemporary Japan-China Relations

    No full text
    The thesis seeks to clarify understanding of the role values play in Japanese views of contemporary Japan-China relations. It seeks to answer the question: how consistently do values play a role in Japanese elite thought, both academic and political, thought in explaining contemporary Japan-China relations? This research draws from Japanese scholarly articles, documents and statements issued by the Japanese government, various news sources, publications of organisations, speeches made by Japanese government officials, and related secondary literature. The thesis demonstrates that not only are Japan-China relations problematic, but so are some of the contexts and value perceptions with which a number of leading Japanese scholars and members of the political elite view and explain these relations. It ultimately argues that adherence to values is indeed important and that, in order to make significant progress in its relations with China, Japan also needs to have a deeper understanding of the very values it considers important

    Going Beyond Counting First Authors in Author Co-citation Analysis

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    The present study examines one of the fundamental aspects of author co-citation analysis (ACA) - the way co-citation counts are defined. Co-citation counting provides the data on which all subsequent statistical analyses and mappings are based, and we compare ACA results based on two different types of co-citation counting - the traditional type that only counts the first one among a cited work's authors on the one hand and a non-traditional type that takes into account the first 5 authors of a cited work on the other hand. Results indicate that the picture produced through this non-traditional author co-citation counting contains more coherent author groups and is therefore considerably clearer. However, this picture represents fewer specialties in the research field being studied than that produced through the traditional first-author co-citation counting when the same number of top-ranked authors is selected and analyzed. Reasons for these effects are discussed

    Interactional Power in Colonial Yucatán

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    In the present study, I articulate an interactionist model of power relations using the sociological framework of Symbolic Interactionism. After presenting a model of power relations, I identify instances of power in colonial and early post-colonial Yucatán, analyzing colonial and contemporary texts on Mexico’s Yucatán Peninsula. I define power as a process, rather than a latent capacity or the mere possibility of action. Interactional power is demonstrated through 1) processes or interactions, such as discourse and communication, 2) negotiation, 3) the control or manipulation of resources, and 4) legal and social rule-setting, or the construction of systems within which interaction occurs. In the context of colonial Yucatán, Maya communities experienced the loss of physical and cultural resources, and the imposition of non-Maya social, legal, economic, and religious systems. I argue that the interactions leading to this divestment and the replacement of indigenous Maya systems must be understood as interactions of power, or the manifestation of power vis-à-vis interaction. On occasion, Mayas in colonial Yucatán successfully negotiated legal contracts or other civil disputes, using non-Maya legal systems to their own benefit and mitigating the impact of conquest and colonization. Nevertheless, non-Maya colonials more frequently—and more successfully—demonstrated the use of power through negotiation. With regard to resource use or appropriation, non-Maya colonials utilized an array of methods to divest Maya individuals and communities of physical and cultural resources. Forced labor, religious and secular oversight of Maya community funds, tribute requirements, and ownership of commercial enterprises characterized the interactions between Mayas and non-Mayas throughout the colonial period. Finally, regarding social, religious, legal, and economic structures, non-Maya systems largely displaced those of the Mayas by the end of the colonial period. The inequalities evident between Mayas and non-Mayas in colonial and early post-colonial Yucatán did not result from inherent differences or the superiority of non-Mayas during the conquest and colonization of the Yucatán Peninsula. Rather, dynamic interactions between individuals and groups demonstrated varied expressions of power throughout the colonial period and beyond. Yucatec Mayas were not, at all times and in all places, disadvantaged by their interactions with non-Mayas, and neither were non-Mayas always the beneficiaries of those interactions. Nonetheless, non-Mayas did leverage resources and systems to their benefit more often than Mayas in both the colonial and post-colonial periods. Non-Mayas throughout the colonial period generally controlled or had greater access to resources, more successfully negotiated terms of contracts or disputes with Maya individuals and communities, and firmly established their own social, religious, economic, and legal systems over and above those of the Mayas

    Interactional Power in Colonial Yucatán

    No full text
    In the present study, I articulate an interactionist model of power relations using the sociological framework of Symbolic Interactionism. After presenting a model of power relations, I identify instances of power in colonial and early post-colonial Yucatán, analyzing colonial and contemporary texts on Mexico’s Yucatán Peninsula. I define power as a process, rather than a latent capacity or the mere possibility of action. Interactional power is demonstrated through 1) processes or interactions, such as discourse and communication, 2) negotiation, 3) the control or manipulation of resources, and 4) legal and social rule-setting, or the construction of systems within which interaction occurs. In the context of colonial Yucatán, Maya communities experienced the loss of physical and cultural resources, and the imposition of non-Maya social, legal, economic, and religious systems. I argue that the interactions leading to this divestment and the replacement of indigenous Maya systems must be understood as interactions of power, or the manifestation of power vis-à-vis interaction. On occasion, Mayas in colonial Yucatán successfully negotiated legal contracts or other civil disputes, using non-Maya legal systems to their own benefit and mitigating the impact of conquest and colonization. Nevertheless, non-Maya colonials more frequently—and more successfully—demonstrated the use of power through negotiation. With regard to resource use or appropriation, non-Maya colonials utilized an array of methods to divest Maya individuals and communities of physical and cultural resources. Forced labor, religious and secular oversight of Maya community funds, tribute requirements, and ownership of commercial enterprises characterized the interactions between Mayas and non-Mayas throughout the colonial period. Finally, regarding social, religious, legal, and economic structures, non-Maya systems largely displaced those of the Mayas by the end of the colonial period. The inequalities evident between Mayas and non-Mayas in colonial and early post-colonial Yucatán did not result from inherent differences or the superiority of non-Mayas during the conquest and colonization of the Yucatán Peninsula. Rather, dynamic interactions between individuals and groups demonstrated varied expressions of power throughout the colonial period and beyond. Yucatec Mayas were not, at all times and in all places, disadvantaged by their interactions with non-Mayas, and neither were non-Mayas always the beneficiaries of those interactions. Nonetheless, non-Mayas did leverage resources and systems to their benefit more often than Mayas in both the colonial and post-colonial periods. Non-Mayas throughout the colonial period generally controlled or had greater access to resources, more successfully negotiated terms of contracts or disputes with Maya individuals and communities, and firmly established their own social, religious, economic, and legal systems over and above those of the Mayas
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