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Eine Welt ohne Gewalt
Full text linkEINE WELT OHNE GEWALT
Eine Welt ohne Gewalt / Solty, Ingar (Rights reserved) (-
Market Polarization Means Political Polarization: Liberal Democracy’s Eroding Centre
No full textIn the early 1990s, hardly anyone – at least outside the shrunken socialist circles – would have doubted that liberal market economics was the path towards technological innovation and efficiency, economic welfare, and political stability. According to mainstream opinion, liberal economic policy, based on the liberalization of trade, the deregulation of (labour, housing, money, etc.) markets, and the privatization of public assets would lead to prosperity and even to the democratization of authoritarian regimes, even if neoliberalism had to come into existence by authoritarianism. Actually-existing neoliberalism, however, understood as the social order we have lived in since the 1980s, has led to quite the opposite. Instead of reducing economic and social imbalances, neoliberalism brought about the highest level of wealth inequality since the 1930s, with all its consequences for democracy. The notion that liberal market economies would lead to innovation, efficiency, and economic as well as political stability has been shattered.
Neoliberalism has in fact led to the opposite of political liberalism. This should not come as a surprise. Who would be so foolish as to believe that one could have market polarization without political polarization? The history of the 1920s and 1930s has clearly shown that wealth inequalities and capitalist crises always tend to undermine representative democracy, as democratic theorists have always understood. Neoliberalism’s ‘free markets’ have consistently fostered ‘strong states’ and authoritarian political, administrative, and constitutional practices.
It should therefore come as no surprise that today liberal democracy is again in retreat and in crisis. The stable party systems of the post-war liberal democracies of the West are falling apart in front of our eyes. To generalize, the ‘crisis of centrism’ in the neoliberal – and imperial – heartland has created new political tendencies and poles: a fracturing neoliberal centre that encompassed traditional conservative parties and ‘third way’ social democracy; a right-wing authoritarian nationalism forming as a faction within traditional conservative parties, and in new hard right political organizations; and a class conflict-oriented new socialist left, found in both older parties of the left and new political organizations
Neoliberalismus und Evangelikalismus in den USA: Desintegration der Christlichen Rechten- Aufstieg einer Evangelikalen Linken
No full textRecently, there has been much debate about the rise of an Evangelical Left in the United States. This debate has focused on the emergence of influential evangelical leaders breaking away from the Republican Party, such as Rick Warren. This debate mistakes a hegemonic crisis of (neo-)conservatism with a hegemonic crisis of neoliberalism. Instead, the evangelical movement in the United States needs to be analyzed in the context of neoliberalism and the decline of class-based forms of solidarity, which it replaced. Throughout their ascent, the evangelical institutions have inscribed themselves into and become a part of the neoliberal state. At the same time, the depth of the economic crisis, the remaining class character of the evangelical movement, the importance of evangelical churches as arenas of hegemonic struggles and, finally, the existing shift in national discourse in terms of the ecological question, the social question and the rehabilitation of the state vis-a-vis the market mark an opening of the political situation in the US that may eventually lead to a replacement of the current evangelical centrism by the actual Evangelical Left as part of a counter-hegemonic postneoliberal historic bloc
Menschliche Freiheit/ kapitalistische Unfreiheit
No full textDas Werk von Karl Marx und Friedrich Engels, das im 19. Jahrhundert entstand, wird von ihren gegenwärtigen Kritiker*innen gerne mit dem Mangel an politischen Freiheiten in den Staaten in Verbindung gebracht, die sich im 20. Jahrhundert gründeten und dabei auf ihr Werk bezogen. Auch in der liberalen Ideengeschichte gelten Marx und Engels als Vertreter einer Gleichheitsideologie, die im Gegensatz zur Freiheit stehe: Radikale Gleichheitsbefürworter*innen würden stets die Freiheit einschränken. Dieser Artikel setzt dieser falschen Dichotomie etwas entgegen und identifiziert die Th eorie von Karl Marx und seinen Nachfolger*innen als eine radikale Denkbewegung der Freiheit. Die Marx’sche Kritik der politischen Ökonomie wird aus Perspektive der Kritischen Psychologie eingeführt als eine Theorie und Methode, die die allgemeine Unfreiheit in der bürgerlich-kapitalistischen Gesellschaft identifiziert, welche im Widerspruch zu den allgemeinen menschlichen Freiheitspotenzialen steht, die im Hier und Heute existieren. Der Marxismus erscheint so als die Theorie, auf der eine politische Praxis fußt, die an die Stelle der bürgerlichen Freiheit der Wenigen die demokratische Freiheit für alle setzen will.Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels’ oeuvre originated in the 19th century. Their critics today nevertheless identify their theoretical and political work with the lack of political freedoms in those states which emerged in the 20th century and connected themselves to Marx and Engels ideologically. Within the framework of liberal histories of ideas, Marx and Engels are also seen as representatives of an ideology of equality which stands in contrast to the idea of liberty. Radical proponents of equality would always have to restrict liberty. Th is paper confronts this false dichotomy and identifies the theory of Marx (and his successors) as a radical theory of freedom. Marx’ Critique of Political Economy is introduced through the lens of Klaus Holzkamp’s Critical Psychology as a theory and method which identifies the common lack of freedom within bourgeois-capitalist society, which stands in contrast to the general potentials of human liberty in today’s world. Marxism thus appears as a theory based on which political practices emerge which seek to replace the limited freedoms of the few by the democratic freedom for all
Free-Market Religion: The Genealogy of Neoliberal Religiousness in the United States.
No full textThe paper starts with a critique of the common notion of a fundamental divide between right-wing evangelicals and libertarians,“ i.e. „value“ and „business conservatives.” It also problematizes the underlying return of Lukacs’ian/Frankfurt School type of theories of „false consciousness,“ which fall behind the achievements of Gramscian and post-Althusserian theorizations of ideology and points towards the lack of a religious/Christian Democracy cleavage in the U.S. and, as a consequence, the specifically particularistic nature of the U.S. welfare state. The article then proceeds by linking the regional specifics of right-wing evangelicalism in the South and bordering Mid-West to U.S. capital’s domestic spatial fixes during the late 1960s and early 1970s. Finally, challenging right-wing populism in the United States would necessitate a break with the neoliberal anti-discrimination approach professed by the liberal Democrats.The paper starts with a critique of the common notion of a fundamental divide between right-wing evangelicals and libertarians," i.e. "value" and "business conservatives.” It also problematizes the underlying return of Lukacs’ian/Frankfurt School type of theories of "false consciousness," which fall behind the achievements of Gramscian and post-Althusserian theorizations of ideology and points towards the lack of a religious/Christian Democracy cleavage in the U.S. and, as a consequence, the specifically particularistic nature of the U.S. welfare state. The article then proceeds by linking the regional specifics of right-wing evangelicalism in the South and bordering Mid-West to U.S. capital\u27s domestic spatial fixes during the late 1960s and early 1970s. Finally, challenging right-wing populism in the United States would necessitate a break with the neoliberal anti-discrimination approach professed by the liberal Democrats
Krieg gegen einen Integrationsunwilligen? Die politische Ökonomie des libyschen Bürgerkriegs und der westlichen Intervention im Kontext der Krise des globalen Kapitalismus
Full text linkThe article contextualizes the current NATO intervention into the Libyan civil war in the debates about the new imperialism and the crisis of global capitalism. It poses the question as to whether it can be interpreted as an act of militarily locking up an oil state which is immune to IMF/World Bank types of structural adjustment. Based on an analysis of the political economy of Libya from decolonization to the contemporary Gadhafi regime, it argues that the integration of Libya into the world order of global capitalism had already occurred as an act of free will. Therefore other reasons must have led to the hesitant decision to go to war. Denouncing the idea of humanitarian interventions, the article argues that in the context of the global crisis mainly three goals are being pursued: Guaranteeing the free flow of cheap oil; reestablishing control over a geopolitically essential region that as a result of the toppling of friendly dictators has been at the verge of slipping away; and reconstructing the indispensable ideology of „humanitarian interventions“ after their seeming demise in the quagmires of Iraq and Afghanistan
Going Beyond Counting First Authors in Author Co-citation Analysis
Full text linkThe present study examines one of the fundamental aspects of author co-citation analysis (ACA) - the way co-citation
counts are defined. Co-citation counting provides the data on which all subsequent statistical analyses and mappings
are based, and we compare ACA results based on two different types of co-citation counting - the traditional type that
only counts the first one among a cited work's authors on the one hand and a non-traditional type that takes into
account the first 5 authors of a cited work on the other hand. Results indicate that the picture produced through this non-traditional author co-citation counting contains more coherent author groups and is therefore considerably clearer. However, this picture represents fewer specialties in the research field being studied than that produced through the traditional first-author co-citation counting when the same number of top-ranked authors is selected and analyzed. Reasons for these effects are discussed
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