92 research outputs found
Adapting authoritarianism: institutions and co-optation in Egypt and Syria
No full textThis PhD thesis compares Egypt and Syria’s authoritarian political systems. While the tendency in social science political research treats Egypt and Syria as similarly authoritarian, this research emphasizes differences between the two systems with special reference to institutions and co-optation. Rather than reducibly understanding Egypt and Syria as sharing similar histories, institutional arrangements, or ascribing to the oft-repeated convention that “Syria is Egypt but 10 years behind,” this thesis focuses on how events and individual histories shaped each states current institutional strengthens and weaknesses. Specifically, it explains the how varying institutional politicization or de-politicization affects each state’s capabilities for co-opting elite and non-elite individuals.
Beginning with a theoretical framework that considers the limited utility of democratization and transition theoretical approaches, the work underscores the persistence and durability of authoritarianism. Chapter two details the politicized institutional divergence between Egypt and Syria that began in the 1970s. Chapter three and four examines how institutional politicization or de-politicization affects elite and non-elite individual co-optation in Egypt and Syria. Chapter five discusses the study’s general conclusions and theoretical implications.
This thesis’s argument is that Egypt and Syria co-opt elites and non-elites differently because of the varying degrees of institutional politicization in each governance system. Rather than view one country as more politically developed than the other, this work argues that Syria’s political institutions are more politicized than their Egyptian counterparts. Syria’s political arena is, thus, described as politicized-patrimonialism. Syria’s politicized-patrimonial arena produces uneven co-optation of elites and non-elites as they are diffused through competing institutions. Conversely, the Egyptian political arena remains highly personalized as weak institutions and individuals are manipulated and molded according to the president’s ruling clique. This is referred to as personalized-patrimonialism. As a consequence, Egypt’s political establishment demonstrates more flexibility in ad hoc altering and adapting its arena depending on the emergence of crises.
This study’s theoretical implications suggest that, contrary to modernization and democratization theory’s adage that institutions lead to a political development, politicized institutions within a patrimonial order actually hinder regime adaptation because consensus is harder to achieve and maintain. It is within this context that Egypt’s de-politicized institutional framework advantages its top political elite. In this reading of Egyptian and Syrian politics, Egypt’s personalized political arena is more adaptable than Syria’s. These conclusions do not indicate that political reform is a process underway in either state
Konflik Suriah pada saat Arab spring 2010
No full textSkripsi ini menganalisa konflik yang terjadi di Suriah dalam kurun waktu terjadinya Arab Spring 2010 hingga pemilihan presiden Suriah pada tahun 2014 yang kembali dimenangkan oleh Bashar Al-Asad. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui alasan terjadinya konflik di negara yang sempat diprediksi sebagai salah satu negara dengan imunitas yang tinggi di Timur Tengah dan alasan dibalik bertahannya kekuasaan Bashar Al-Asad dalam konflik internal di Suriah. Penelitian ini dilakukan melalui studi pustaka. Peneliti menemukan, bahwa Konflik Suriah merupakan luapan kekesalan rakyat atas rezim Al-Asad yang sudah memerintah hampir 30 tahun namun dengan sikap repressive untuk mendapat kedaulatan dari rakyatnyadanpengaruh Arab Spring yang berawal di Tunisia dan Mesir membuat semangat para aktivis untuk menumbangkan rezim pemerintahan Al- Asad semakin besar. Argument ini dirumuskan melalui tahapan analisa, yaitu dengan melihat kebijakan awal masa pemerintahan Bashar Al-Asad, kemudian melihat dinamika konflik Suriah dan rentetan faktor pemicu terjadinya Suriah Spring dan selanjutnya dianalisa dengan menggunakan kerangka teori.Kerangka teori yang digunakan dalam skripsi ini adalah teori antagonisme politik dan teori elit politik. Hasil temuan dari penelitian ini diketahui bahwa permasalah mahzab menjadi faktor awal konflik ini yang dimulai sejak masa kependudukan Perancis atas Suriah yang kemudian disusul dengan kesenjangan sosial dan faktor ekonomi sehingga lahir konflik Suriah pada 2011
Jordan’s Accession to the WTO: Retrospective and Prospective
No full textJordan acceded to the WTO in 1999. In its accession Jordan agreed, for example, to reduce tariffs on imported products and open its services market; it also modified its intellectual property regime. Jordan enjoyed special and differential treatment in few areas and was not able to designate olive oil as a good eligible for special safeguards. The WTO agreements required fundamental changes in the domestic laws and regulations of Jordan. The article concludes by arguing that Jordan's accession to the WTO was a lengthy and costly process. Jordan agreed to an arduous package of legal and economic reforms. Given that Jordan agreed to greater commitments compared to the obligations of the original WTO members, the multilateral trading system witnessed an accession saga.accession, free trade, intellectual property, Jordan, market access, WTO, Financial Economics, International Relations/Trade, Political Economy,
Economic Valuation of the Sundarbans Reserved Forest of Bangladesh The Zonal Travel Cost Method
No full textWar propaganda : Analytical study of Bashar Al-Assad's propaganda during the Syrian uprising.
No full textThe ongoing Syrian conflict is one of the most violent, bloody and complex conflicts that broke out in modern time. The Syrian people were inspired by the Arab spring, where popular demonstrations and peaceful protests demanded freedom and democracy. The Syrian regime declared that Syria is in a serious war against terrorism. This essay will try to analyze the Syrian president Bashar Al-Assad’s propaganda during the revolution against his government in March 2011. The analysis will go through a few of Al-Assad’s speeches and interviews during the Syrian uprising between 2011 and 2012. The study will be based on several fundamental researches that explain the relationship between the Syrian regime and the jihadi Islam in many dimensions before and after 2011. The study will answer the following question: How has the Syrian regime used fight terrorism as propaganda to serve its own political interest during the Syrian uprising 2011? In my study, I use argumentation analysis as a method, this method is used to assess the credibility and sustainability of text or politics in context. In an argued text, the author aims to convince the reader of something in a critical and reasonable manner of argument. The method used is both descriptive and appreciative of Bashar Al-Assad’s arguments. The study concluded that Al-Assad from the beginning of his presidency has played a major role of producing Islamists to achieve his own political objectives in the region and was able to take advantage of them while trying to crackdown the Syrian revolution in 2011 through many political acts.Denna uppsats analyserar den syriska presidenten Bashar Al-Assads propaganda under upproret mot sin regering i mars 2011. Analysen kommer att gå igenom några av Al-Assads tal och intervjuer under det syriska upproret mellan 2011 och 2012. Studien baseras även på olika politiska hållpunkter som förklarar förhållandet mellan den syriska regimen och islamister före och efter 2011. Studien kommer att svara på följande fråga: Hur har den syriska regimen använts sig av kampen mot terrorism som propaganda för att tjäna sina egna politiska intresse under syriska upproret 2011? I min studie använder jag argumentationsanalys som metod. Denna metod används för att bedöma text eller politikens trovärdighet och hållbarhet i sammanhang. I en argumenterande text syftar författaren till att övertyga läsaren om någonting på ett kritiskt och rimligt sätt. Metoden som används är både beskrivande och värderande av Bashar Al-Assads argument. Studien drar slutsatsen att Bashar Al-Assad har använts sig av terrorism-propaganda för att kunna överleva situationen. Analysen av Al-Assads argument visar att Al-Assads teser strider emot det som äger rum i Syrien och har även låg beviskraft. Uppsatsen kommer fram till att sedan början av Al-Assads presidentskap har han spelat en viktig roll för att producera islamister i syfte att uppnå sina politiska mål i regionen och kunde dra nytta av dem för att förtycka det syriska upproret 2011 genom att frisläppa islamister från Saydnaya-militärt fängelse genom en presidentsamnesti som utfärdat i maj 2011
DINAMIKA KONFLIK SURIAH PADA MASA PEMERINTAHAN BASHAR AL-ASSAD
No full textThis paper departs from the conflict that occurred in Syrian City, so it makes the author interested in trying to understand the basic problems that are the cause of the conflict. In addition, the author also tries to see who the actors who played a role in the conflict are, as well as the impact that the Syrian conflict has on the international world. The Syrian conflict has been going on for forty years to date, and the conflict has not yet seen its end. Since March 2011 the conflict in Syria has claimed so many lives, thousands of people have been displaced, and thousands of children orphaned. Many houses collapsed, infrastructure and public facilities were destroyed due to the conflict. Data on the Syrian conflict is collected from books, journals, and the web. These data are then categorized, systematized, and analyzed according to the purpose of writing. This paper concludes that the cause of the conflict in Syria is not due to differences in religious sects but rather the political and economic interests of the opposition opponents of Assad and opposition-supporting countries. There are three actors who play a role in the Syrian conflict: President Bashar al-Assad and his supporters, the Syrian opposition, and the Jihadist group. The resulting impact of the Syrian conflict is the large number of casualties that have fallen and the problem of refugees. From the time of the conflict in March 2011 to April 2013, The death toll was 150,000. Meanwhile, the displaced population is 2.4 million people, which is dominated by women and children. Meanwhile, 4 million Syrians are homeless. For the international community, the Syrian conflict has an impact on the handling of refugees
A more efficient valuation of beaches using tourists’ perspectives and Geographic Information System (GIS): The case of Patenga of Chittagong, Bangladesh
No full textThe valuation of non–marketed goods and services of beaches in developing nations is rarely conducted; thus, lax management efforts at these resource–rich places often lead to degradation. In an attempt to resolve this issue the research used the travel cost valuation method and incorporated the use of geographic information system to estimate a never-before-done non-market valuation of the area visited by respondents at the beach of Patenga of Chittagong, Bangladesh. The uniqueness of the research stems from defining the area enjoyed by the survey respondents, via mapping, which helped assign the value generated to that particular part of Patenga and not the rest; this significantly decreased the underestimation problem of the travel cost methodology. The research used secondary sources and collected responses and geographical data from surveys conducted over a seven day period in March of 2018, from 277 respondents. A value of at least 14,331,044BDT/USD1.71million was estimated for 2018 for only 9% of Patenga. Furthermore, the Willingness to Pay approach was used to propose an entry fee of 15BDT/USD0.18 which would yield a revenue of more than 6,750,000BDT/USD79,882 around the year. The authors believe, these results will push the policy-makers and encourage stakeholder participation to better implement and monitor environmental management measures at Patenga
A more efficient valuation of beaches using tourists’ perspectives and Geographic Information System (GIS): The case of Patenga of Chittagong, Bangladesh
No full textIranian military support to the regime of Bashar al-Assad - Syrian civil war context analysis (2011-2021)
No full textStarptautiskās attiecības - Eiropas studijasSocioloģija, politoloģija un antropoloģijaInternational Relations - European StudiesSociology, Politics and AnthropologyBakalaura darba nosaukums ir “Irānas militārais atbalsts Bašāra al-Asada režīmam Sīrijas pilsoņu kara kontekstā (2011.-2021.gads)”, darba mērķis ir izpētīt Irānas sniegto militāro atbalstu Bašāra al-Asada režīmam Sīrijas pilsoņu kara kontekstā, laika posmā no 2011. līdz 2021.gadam. Savukārt darbā izvirzītā hipotēze nosaka, ka Irānas militārais atbalsts Bašāra al-Asada režīmam Sīrijā veicina tās reģionālās ietekmes palielināšanos.
Pirmā darba daļa ir balstīta uz teorētiskās bāzes izklāstu, kas šī darba ietvaros koncentrējas uz neoreālisma tradīciju pamatuzstādījumiem starptautiskajās attiecībās. Sīkāk tiek iezīmēts ofensīvā reālisma teorijas izklāsts, no kā tālāk izriet arī empīriskā materiāla par Irānas militārā atbalsta sniegšanu Bašāra al-Asada režīmam analīze. Otrā darba nodaļa sastāv no Irānas pozīciju un tās ārpolitisko interešu ieskicēšanas reģiona līmenī, tostarp iezīmējot Irānas un Sīrijas attiecību veidošanās dinamiku, kā arī Sīrijas pilsoņu kara konteksta izklāstu, lai trešajā darba nodaļā jau analizētu Irānas militāro atbalstu Bašāra al-Asada režīmam Sīrijas pilsoņu kara kontekstā, laika periodā no 2011. līdz 2021. gadam. Līdz ar Irānas militārā atbalsta analīzi tiek pētītas arī Irānas intereses un tās potenciālie ieguvumi, ko šī atbalsta rezultātā tā iegūst.
Darba gaitā izvirzītais mērķis tika īstenots un attiecīgi nonākts pie secinājumiem, kas daļēji apstiprina darba hipotēzi, nosakot, ka Irānas militārais atbalsts Bašāra al-Asada režīmam Sīrijas pilsoņu kara kontekstā ir ļāvis palielināt Irānas reģionālo ietekmi. Galvenie secinājumi, kas to apstiprina ir Sīrijas teritoriālais izvietojums, kas Irānas ietekmes paplašināšanai sniedz atvieglotu piekļuvi Levantas reģiona valstīm, īpaši tās sabiedrotajiem Libānā. Irānas ir izvietojusi savu militāro spēku citas valsts teritorijā, turklāt šāda militāro spēku klātesamība nerada drosības riskus Irānas teritoriālajai drošībai. Irānas kā reģionāla aktora lomas pieaugumu norāda tās konstantais militāro spēku nodrošinājums Bašāra al-Asada režīmam, neskatoties un citu ārēju notikumu vai citu reģionālu konfliktu rašanos – norādot, ka Irānai ir pietiekams spēku līmenis, lai novirzītu attiecīgus resursus dažādām interesēm. Tomēr analīzes dati par konkrētiem militārā atbalsta apjomiem ir ierobežoti, turklāt militārais atbalsts nav vienīgais faktors, kas veicina reģionālo ietekmes pieaugumu.The title of the Bachelor’s thesis is Iran’s military support to the regime of Bashar al-Assad – Syrian civil war context analysis (2011-2021). The aim of the work is to analyze military support provided by Iran to the regime of Bashar al-Assad in the context of the Syrian civil war, in the period from 2011 to 2021. With this in mind the hypothesis that follows states that Iran's military support to the regime of Bashar al-Assad in the context of the ongoing war in Syria has increased Iran's regional influence.
The first part of the work is based on a theoretical framework, which in this work focuses on the assumptions of the neo-realist tradition in international relations. The theory of offensive realism is further elaborated, from which the analysis of the issue of providing Iranian military support to the regime of Bashar al-Assad follows. The second chapter outlines Iran's position and foreign policy interests at the regional level, including the dynamics of Iran-Syria relations and the context of the Syrian civil war, in order to analyze Iran's military support to the regime of Bashar al-Assad in the Syrian civil war and its course for the period from 2011 to 2021. Along with the analysis of Iran's military support, the author also examines Iran's interests and the potential benefits it brings to its foreign interests of becoming a regional hegemon.
The aim of the work has been achieved, partly confirming the hypothesis of the work stating that Iran's military support to the regime of Bashar al-Assad in the context of the ongoing war in Syria has increased Iran's regional influence. Syria's territorial location provides facilitated support for the expansion of Iran's influence in the Levant region, especially its allie in Lebanon. Iran has deployed its military forces on the territory of another country, and the presence of such military forces does not pose a security risk to Iran's territorial security. Finally, Iran shows its regional actor role as it has provided militar support fot the Bashar al-Assad regime in long-term, even considering that throuh this time period Iran itself has faced various challenges. However, analytical data on specific amounts of military support are limited, and military support is not the only factor contributing to the increase in regional influence
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