2,190 research outputs found
The Plot to Poison Ukrainian Presidential Candidate Viktor Yushchenko with Dioxin
No full textThe news about the attempted poisoning of Ukrainian presidential candidate Viktor Yushchenko with dioxin was given wide coverage in the world media. Abraham Brouwer, a professor of environmental toxicology at the Free University in Amsterdam, reported that Yushchenko was poisoned with pure TCDD, the most harmful known form of dioxin. His blood contained 100,000 units (pg/g of lipid) of the poison, the second highest concentration ever recorded. Physicians at the Vienna Clinic in Vienna, said that Yushchenko's face was disfigured but he will recover over time. The author attempted to calculate the amount of dioxin with which Yushchenko was poisoned, taking into consideration his toxic intake from the viewpoint of the Yusho investigation previously reported in Japan. Yushchenko's toxic intake was calculated at 1.89mg-TEQ. This value fairly agrees with the maximum incubative amount that exhibits toxic symptoms, mainly chlor-acne (a type of skin disease). This value is equivalent to a daily intake of dioxin over a period of 30, 000 years.9KJ00004761464Pdepartmental bulletin pape
Parties of Power as Roadblocks to Democracy: The Cases of Ukraine and Egypt. CEPS Policy Briefs No. 81, 1 August 2005
No full textAs typified by Ukraine and Egypt, most of the semi- or non-democratic countries in the EU’s neighbourhood pretend to offer a degree of political pluralism. The standard is for a plurality of parties to run in national elections and participate in parliamentary sessions. In contrast to fully fledged democracies, however, these electoral rituals have little bearing on the composition of government and its policy output, which remains entirely dominated by the executive institutions and parties of power. This paper argues that the trademarks of these types of parties are a serious stumbling block for the development of a multi-party system based on competing ideological currents. For democracy to take hold in the EU’s eastern and southern neighbourhood of the EU, it is crucial that the logic of parties of power be replaced by one structured around autonomous and ideologically cohesive parties. Thus, both ideological and organisational party-building should be an integral part of the EU’s policy agenda to promote the spread of democracy in these regions
“Quid Ukraine’s Strategic Security?” ESF Working Paper No. 24, January, 2007
No full textThe collapse of the Orange coalition marked a turning point in Ukraine’s political direction. Although it had previously sought closer ties with the West and key institutions such as NATO and the EU, today it’s foreign policy orientation is less clear. This collection of European Security Forum papers gathers authoritative views on Ukraine’s security outlook, considering its relations with the West and its powerful neighbour, Russia. An in-depth analysis of the political scene is given by Alexander Bogomolov, shedding light on the threats to Ukraine’s democratic development, its NATO debate and the pressing issues of energy supply. In his assessment of Ukraine’s security risks, James Sherr argues that the internal condition of Ukraine (particularly it security and defence institutions) and not its foreign policy is the main factor defining the ‘art of the possible’ in its external relationships. Arkady Moshes underscores the argument that the key to Ukraine’s strategic security is the continuation of internal reforms, holding that its Western partners should do their best to help promote them. Finally, F. Stephen Larrabee considers whether Ukraine will continue to pursue a policy of Euro-Atlantic integration, including eventual membership in NATO, or if Russian influence over Ukraine’s internal and external policies is likely to increase
The Representation of citizens’ Foreign Policy orientations by Ukraine’s Dominant Politicians: Yushchenko, Tymoshenko and Yanukovych.
No full textOne of the most prominent issues which divide publics in Ukraine into separate and often antagonistic groups is the vector of foreign policy, especially the way of building relations with Russian Federation. Rather common among Ukrainian political experts and laymen is conception of “pro- vs anti-Russian” publics which have respective representatives among political elites. The object of our study is public communication of political elites as a form of social and political representation. Thus the purpose of our study is to reveal to which extent electoral factor (public opinion of respective constituencies) influence on elites’ public communication content in sphere of relations with Russia. The scope of our study is limited to the period 2005-2008 and three most influential politicians of that time —Yushchenko, Tymoshenko, Yanukovych. Factor analysis of 152 public opinion polls is used to reveal the most dividing issues in Ukraine-Russia relations; semi-automated content-analysis is used to code and aggregate political leaders’ messages about these issues; time series analysis is used to reveal synchrony of communication with constituency preferences. The study suggests that Ukrainian politicians generally represent orientations of their respective electorates, but they fail to do it systematically, do not react to public opinion changes, and systematically contradict their constituencies on several issues.The Education, Audiovisual and Culture Executive Agency of the European Commission (Tempus IV Programme
Distinguishing between the notions of “commercial concession” and “franchising”
No full textRetractionDate: 02.05.2022Reason: Partial or full duplication of articles in the Actual Problems of Economics and Law Journal with previously published texts was detected. For example, an article was published in the Journal:Yushchenko N.A. Distinguishing between the notions of “commercial concession” and “franchising”. Aktual’niye problemy ekonomiki i prava, 2014, no. 4 (32), pp. 236–241. (https://www.elibrary.ru/item.asp?id=22586051). The article contains large extracts from the previously published article:Yushchenko N.A. On the unification of the concept of commercial concession and its legislative consolidation in Russia and abroad / N. A. Yushchenko // Foreign Trade Law. – 2007. – № 1. – С. 3-7. (https://www.elibrary.ru/item.asp?id=12870964). The Editorial Board of the Journal, when publishing scientific research materials, bases its performance on the rules of publication ethics observed by the Editorial Board members, reviewers and authors. According to these rules, the author shall guarantee that the article is published for the first time and was not previously published or submitted to another journal. The Editorial Board performed an internal investigation. The Editor-in-Chief and the Publisher made a decision to retract the article from elibrary.ru and the Journal website
Corruption, crisis, and change: Use and misuse of an empty signifier
No full textApplying the post-structuralist approach to corruption, the aim of this chapter is twofold: First, this chapter explores, how the Presidents of Ukraine—Viktor Yushchenko in 2005–2010 and Viktor Yanukovych in 2010–2014—use an empty signifier of corruption, and second, what role the term “corruption” plays for both, political crisis and political change in Ukraine. Accordingly, the main question is: What meaning do the Presidents of Ukraine assign to corruption as an empty signifier and to what extent this temporarily fixed meaning unfolds potential to create social identities? The main challenge the Presidents face with this respect is creating a dominant public discourse and framing corruption in a way that represents themselves as “non-corrupt Self” and their competitors as “corrupt Others”
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A critical evaluation of the securitisation process of EU-Russia energy relations: actors, audiences, and consequences
No full textRussia started to export hydrocarbons to Western Europe in the middle of the Cold War, and for a long time, despite their ideological differences, Russia was considered to be a reliable energy supplier. Starting from the early 2000s, EU-Russia energy relations were transformed from a mainly economic dimension to a political one. Currently, energy trade is seen as part of national security for both Russia and the European Union (EU). The central question of this study: is how EU-Russia energy relations have become highly securitised? This thesis approaches this problem from the perspective of a critical reading of securitisation theory. Following Balzacq (2005) and Fierke (2007), the securitisation process is de-constructed into the follows elements: securitisation actors (in Russia and in the EU), the speech act (negotiation of energy security to the audience), context of securitising (economic, political, and cultural), the consequences of securitisation, and the potential for de-securitisation. The thesis applies combination of quantitative and qualitative methods for data collection and analysis. The thesis uses an interpretive constructivist account and a methodology which integrates that theory with the specific methods of inquiry. It uses some quantitative analysis, but rests primarily on a qualitative approach consistent with its roots in the Critical Security Studies (CSS) literature
Відхилення у поведінці дітей як психологопедагогічна та соціальна проблема
No full textThe article outlines a number of concepts that make informative basis for understanding essence, factors and stages in emergence of behavioral deviations. Psychological, pedagogical and social determinants of children’s behavioral deviations, their cause and effect nature and mechanisms of complications within certain stages are analyzed. The study attests the need of implementation of prevention and introduction of pedagogical correction in individual's behavior which is formed tall education levels is. Considering results of the conducted research, the author defines the most widespread negative manifestations in preschool children's behavior. The paper accounts for the expediency of a preventive component of educational process in institutions of preschool education that will allow to prevent negative behavioral manifestations and to avert their transformation into pedagogical neglect, hard upbringing and steady deviant forms of behavior.У статті окреслено низку понять, що складають змістове підґрунтя для розуміння сутності, чинників та етапів у виникненні поведінкових відхилень. Проаналізовано психолого-педагогічні й соціальні детермінанти поведінкових відхилень у дітей, їх причинно-наслідкова природа та механізми ускладнень умежах окреслених етапів. Обґрунтована необхідність здійснення профілактичної роботи та внесення педагогічної корекції у поведінку особистості, яка формується, на всіх рівнях освіти.Ураховуючи результати проведеного дослідження, визначено найбільш поширені негативні прояви у поведінці дітей дошкільного віку. Встановлено доцільність реалізації превентивної складової освітнього процесу у закладах дошкільної освіти, що надасть можливість попередити виникнення ситуативних негативних поведінкових проявів та запобігти їх перетворенню у педагогічну занедбаність, важковиховуваність та стійкі форми девіантної поведінки
Генезис інституту президентства в Україні: попередні підсумки президентської каденції В. Ющенка
No full textУ статті зроблена спроба проаналізувати позитивні та
негативні наслідки президентської каденції Віктора Ющенка.
Автор стверджує, що «помаранчева» команда виявилася неготовою
до тривалої конструктивної співпраці у владі.An attempt to analyze the positive and negative consequences of
presidential cadenza of Victor Yushchenko is done in the article. The
author concludes that “orange” team was not ready for a long-time
cooperation in power
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