11 research outputs found

    al-Misbāh fī al-Nahw By Nāsir al-Dīn al-Mutarrizī al-Nahwī (d. 610/1213) A Critical Edition of the Text with the Life History of the Author

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    Nāsir al-Dīn al-Mutarrizī al-Nahwī (d.610/1213) was one of the most renowned figures in the field of Arabic Grammar. He has left an indelible mark on the world of Arabic language and literature. He is also known as the successor of al-Zamakhsharī. He wrote a number of books but his al-Misbāh fī al-Nahw gained prominence at a level that no other book in this field could claim to achieve. For this reason, a great number of commentaries have been written in every age, of which the most famous are al-Daw and Khulāsat al-I‘rāb written by Tāj al-Dīn al-Isfrā’īnī and ‘Abd al- Karīm al-Tūsī (better known as Hājjī Bābā) respectively. Moreover, its translation into other languages also demonstrates its value as a useful book. Although al-Misbāh has been edited on more than one occasion, the published editions do not fulfil the needs and requirements of modern academic research criteria. The basic aim of this thesis is to present this book with a current modern research style so that the students, teachers and ordinary readers of Arabic language and literature may benefit from this work. This thesis is divided into two parts. The first part deals with the life history of the author and his other works. A brief note of the environment under which he grew up (generally referred to as the ‘Seljuk’ period) is also included in this part. The second part consists of a text edition that deals with the derivation (Takhrīj) of syntactical issues together with the differing opinions of grammarians on syntactical/grammatical issues. This part also proffers the idiomatic English translation of al-Misbāh

    Astrology in literature: how the prohibited became permissible in the Arabic poetry of the mediaeval period

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    This thesis is concerned to position the art of astrology within the context of classical Arabic poetry, primarily by investigating and elucidating attitudes to the notion of qadar (fate) and the ideology in which it was embedded. These attitudes were revelatory of the broader world view of the Arabs of those periods, and their shifts from those held in the pre-Islamic and early Islamic eras tell us a good deal about the importance given to the nature and role of fate and about the various understandings of its influence. The pre-Islamic Arab's notion of qadar was in some ways similar to that of the early Muslims: both emphasised predetermination and the irresistible power of fate. But while the jahilf (Pre-Islamic) Arabs identified fate with the malign power of dahr (Time), the Muslims believed the power of fate lies in the hands of God the Omnipotent, who alone is responsible for the fate of the whole universe. Thus the astrology of the pre-Islamic era was one aspect of divination (kihana) and claimed to be able to reveal in advance an individual's destiny, which could be avoided by taking certain precautions. These precautions, however, were considered effective only in relatively trivial cases; they were useless in the areas of major impact: a person's happiness or misery (shaqiiwa aw sa ada), sustenance (rizq) and one's term (ajal), the three inevitable and irresistible manifestations of fate. In the Islamic period not only these major aspects of life are governed and controlled by the Omnipotent; the destiny of the universe, in even its most minute details, is determined and controlled by God alone. Astrology was considered to be of no value whatsoever, and its practitioners were subject to the death penalty. These two irreconcilable views are evident in early Islamic poetry, which reflected clearly the response of poets, and society, to astrology from the perspective of qadar. When the orthodox caliphate was replaced by dynastic rule the status of astrology was changed dramatically. The idea that the stars, as indicators, play a role in the life of human beings found popowerful supporters in some governors of the Islamic world, who allowed astrology to fulfil a public function regardless of the hostility of the official religion of that society. This social phenomenon generated rich material of a controversial character in the realm of literature. Investigating the factors, motivations and impact of mediaeval political, theological and philosophical attitudes to astrology, in relation to the notions of free will and predestination, is the concern of this study

    ANALISA PEMIKIRAN MUHAMMAD MUSTAFA AL-A‘ZAMI TERHADAP KRITIK IGNAZ GOLDZIHER TENTANG SEJARAH KODIFIKASI HADIS

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    The treasures of Islamic scholarship have made hadith a source of law that is highly respected by Muslims. This is not without controversy from various parties, for example in the criticism of orientalists who study hadith with various backgrounds and perspectives, ranging from objective to negative or skeptical tendencies. The historical problems of hadith are a major issue in the study of modern hadith. This paper discusses the orientalist Ignaz Goldziher who doubts the authenticity of hadith. He offers a methodology of historical criticism to justify the accusations made in dropping the existence of hadith. The persistence of the orientalists in criticizing hadith then received a response from the Muslim scholar, Muhammad Mus}tafā al-A‘zami>. He is one of the hadith scholars who has been vigorous in refuting the skeptical orientalist theories by providing criticism and rectifying the views that have so far tried to distort the history of hadith. Broadly speaking. the skeptical views put forward by orientalist Ignaz Goldziher, among others. First, most of the hadiths are the result of Islamic developments in the political and social fields. Second, the distance between the Prophet's time and the codification of hadith is more than 100 years adrift, during which time the scholars falsified hadith. Third, forgery on a large scale occured during the Umayyad period. This thesis aims to find out how the theory developed by Ignaz Goldziher and the rebuttal from Al-A`zamī and how the analysis developed by the author of Al-A`zamī's thoughts. This type of research is based on qualitativelibrary research (literature review). While the methodological step uses a descriptive-analytic approach, which means the author describes several theories offered by Ignaz Goldziher regarding the history of hadith codification, followed by a rebuttal brought by Al-A`zamī. Finally, the author analyzes Al-A`zamī's thoughts on Ignaz Goldziher. From several accusations and rebuttals from the two figures, the author analyzes Al-A`zamī's thoughts on Goldziher's criticism, including: First, all criticisms raised by Goldziher were successfully refuted by Al-A`zamī. Second, even though some of these refutations are personal analysis which means they are not completely accurate, the criticism made by Al-A`zamī shows more rational research and reasoning using scientific logic than the research conducted by Ignaz Goldziher which seems perfunctory. From these results, the authors argue that Ignaz Goldziher's criticism of doubting the authenticity of hadith cannot undermine the position of hadith as a second source of law

    The Effect of Kebar Grass Extract (Biophytum petersianum Klotzch) on Total Growth of Ovarian Follicles on Mice (Mus Musculus) during Lactation period were Exposed by Carbofuran

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    The study aimed to know the effect of Kebar grass extraction amounts of mice (Mus musculus) follicles ovary exposed by carbofuran. This study was an experimental study with a completely randomized design. Forty two lactation mice used in this study were divided into seven groups, that were: C was control (Aquadest), P1 was injected with carbofuran 1/4 LD50 (0.0125mg/day), P2 was injected with carbofuran 1/8 LD50 (0.00625mg/day), P3 was injected with carbofuran 1/4 LD50 (0.0125mg/day) and Kebar grass extract (0.135mg/day), P4 was injected with carbofuran 1/8 LD50 (0.00625mg/day) and Kebar grass extract (0.135mg/day), P5 was injected with carbofuran 1/4 LD50 (0.0125mg/day) and vitamin C (0.2ml/day) and P6 was injected with carbofuran 1/8 LD50 (0.00625mg/day) and vitamin C (0.2ml/day) with a treatment period of 14 days. Then on the 15day of treatment, mice were sacrificed, and the ovary was taken. Then, histology preparation with HE (Hematoxylin-eosin) staining was made, and follicles ovary were counted. Data were analyzed by One Way ANOVA followed by the Duncan test. This study showed that exposed carbofuran was a significant decrease in the growth of ovarian follicles (p<0.05). The administration of the Kebar grass extraction exposure to carbofuran is proven to increase primary and secondary follicles. The Kebar grass extraction administration gave a better effect than vitamin C (p<0.05)

    The Role of Seaweed Cultivation in Improving Community Economy from the Perspective of Islamic Economics in Bone Regency

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    This study explores the role of seaweed cultivation in enhancing community economic welfare from a Sharia Economics perspective in Bone Regency, Indonesia. The research aims to analyze the contribution of seaweed farming to economic growth, its impact on production patterns and income distribution, and its alignment with Sharia economic principles. A qualitative case study approach was employed, involving field research through interviews with village officials and community members, supported by secondary data from journals, books, and relevant articles. The findings indicate that seaweed cultivation provides a stable source of income, supports poverty reduction, and encourages ethical and sustainable practices in accordance with Sharia principles. However, challenges such as price fluctuations, climate variability, and limited access to capital remain significant. The benefits of cultivation are unevenly distributed, with larger producers gaining more advantages, highlighting the need for policies that empower small-scale cultivators. From a Sharia perspective, seaweed farming emphasizes justice, balance, sustainability, and ethical entrepreneurship, requiring supportive conditions such as access to capital, training, fair markets, and information. Sustainable production, stable pricing, capacity building, and product diversification are essential to optimize economic and social outcomes. This study contributes to the literature on Sharia-compliant economic development by demonstrating how community-based agricultural practices can generate equitable growth, enhance livelihoods, and foster responsible economic behavior aligned with religious and ethical values

    KASYF PHENOMENON IN THE DEFOCALIZATION OF RATIONALITY: A MAGICAL REALIST PERSPECTIVE ON GUS MUS’S GUS JAKFAR

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    Gus Jakfar won the best short story in Kompas daily in 2004. This short story by Gus Mus tells of the story of a character named Gus Jakfar who has the privilege of forseeing other people’s fate just by looking at ‘signs’ (kasyf). Later, Gus Jakfar stopped seeing signs after his trip to meet Kiai Tawakkal. The phenomenon of seeing precognitive signs cannot be rationally understood by modern knowledge. The study of Gus Jakfar in the present article adopts magical realism from Wendy B. Faris’ perspective as a theoretical framework to examine kasyf as a defocalization narrative in short stories. The method of this study is descriptive analysis. The evidence to support the analysis includes words, phrases and sentences in the short story that are relevant to magical realist perspective, particularly in relation to the five elements of magical realism and defocalization. The analysis and description are carried out after collecting pieces of evidence from the short story. The analysis in this study shows that Gus Jakfar has the five characteristics of magical realism in it. From the five characteristics reflected in the text, there is an element called kasyf that is found to be an attempt of defocalization which is presented by the author using a mirroring technique. Kasyf in this short story is depicted from three perspectives. Although modern rationality has influenced people's identities, the pesantren tradition has not been abandoned. In this context, the kasyf phenomenon is understood as an alternative source of magical knowledge beyond the modern rational knowledge

    РЕЛИГИОЗНЫЙ ФАКТОР РАЗВИТИЯ ДИПЛОМАТИЧЕСКОГО КРИЗИСА ВОКРУГ КАТАРА В 2017 Г. / THE RELIGIOUS FACTOR IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE POLITI-CAL CRISIS IN THE PERSIAN GULF

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    The article discusses the factor of religious disagreements between the member states of the Cooperation Council of the Arab States of the Persian Gulf (GCC) in the context of differing foreign policy programs and aspirations of Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates. The work uses both general scientific methods and special methods of political science and history. The civilizational approach made it possible to explain the role of Islam in the political process of the Gulf countries. The elitist approach allowed us to consider the political elites of the states as independent social groups with influence and authority in making key political decisions and imple-menting their own corporate interest and corporate thinking. The religious factor of the Qatari-Saudi contradictions, including disputes over the ideological and religious heritage of Muhammad Abdel Wahhab, is highlight-ed. The author argues that the main reason for the political confrontation in the Persian Gulf is not only the support for the Muslim Brotherhood movement from the Qatari leadership, but also various trends in political Islam, which led to ideo-logical conflicts within the Sunni world. The facts of cooperation between the Gulf countries are analyzed, the evolution of relations between them is considered in a complex of cultural, historical, political and religious conditions, in the con-text of general changes in the international situation at present. The author draws a conclusion about the role of the religious factor in the development of the polit-ical crisis in the Persian Gulf. Qatar and Turkey have chosen to rely on the popu-list ‘rising' Sunni Islam of the Muslim Brothers, seeking to legitimize their power through democratic elections. Saudi Arabia is an antithesis to the rule of the Mus-lim Brotherhood, making Wahhabism a partner in supporting its rule and seeking to spread this interpretation throughout the Muslim world. The United Arab Emirates, as an ally of Saudi Arabia, is the third trend in political Islam because it has no ambition to spread Islam beyond its borders.Статья посвящена фактору религиозных разногласий между государствами - членами Совета сотрудничества арабских государств Персидского залива (ССАГПЗ) в контексте различных внешнеполитических программ и устремлений Саудовской Аравии, Катара и Объединенных Арабских Эмиратов. В работе нашли применение как общенаучные, так и политологические и специально-исторические методы. Цивилизационный подход позволил объяснить роль ислама в политическом процессе стран региона. Элитистский подход позволил рассматривать политические элиты государств Персидского залива как самостоятельные социальные группы, обладающие влиятельностью и авторитетностью в принятии ключевых политических решений и реализующие собственный корпоративный интерес и корпоративное мышление. Выделяется религиозный фактор катарско-саудовских противоречий, в том числе споры за идейное и религиозное наследие Мухаммеда Абдель Ваххаба. Основной причиной политического противостояния в Персидском заливе автор считает не только поддержку катарским руководством движения «Братья-мусульмане», но различные тенденции в политическом исламе, обусловившие идеологические конфликты внутри суннитского мира. В статье автор анализирует факты сотрудничества стран Персидского залива, рассматривает эволюцию отношений стран Персидского залива в едином комплексе культурно-исторических, политических и религиозных условий, в контексте общих изменений международной обстановки на современном этапе. В заключение делается вывод о роли религиозного фактора в развитии политического кризиса в Персидском заливе. Катар и Турция сделали ставку на популистский, «восходящий» суннитский ислам «Братьев-мусульман», стремящихся легитимировать свою власть с помощью демократических выборов. Саудовская Аравия представляет собой антитезу правлению «Братьев-мусульман», сделав ваххабизм партнером в поддержке своего правления и стремящихся распространить это толкование по всему мусульманскому миру. Объединенные Арабские Эмираты, будучи союзниками Саудовской Аравии, представляют собой третью тенденцию в политическом исламе, поскольку не имеют амбиций распространять ислам за пределами своих границ./ The article discusses the factor of religious disagreements between the member states of the Cooperation Council of the Arab States of the Persian Gulf (GCC) in the context of differing foreign policy programs and aspirations of Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates. The work uses both general scientific methods and special methods of political science and history. The civilizational approach made it possible to explain the role of Islam in the political process of the Gulf countries. The elitist approach allowed us to consider the political elites of the states as independent social groups with influence and authority in making key political decisions and imple-menting their own corporate interest and corporate thinking. The religious factor of the Qatari-Saudi contradictions, including disputes over the ideological and religious heritage of Muhammad Abdel Wahhab, is highlight-ed. The author argues that the main reason for the political confrontation in the Persian Gulf is not only the support for the Muslim Brotherhood movement from the Qatari leadership, but also various trends in political Islam, which led to ideo-logical conflicts within the Sunni world. The facts of cooperation between the Gulf countries are analyzed, the evolution of relations between them is considered in a complex of cultural, historical, political and religious conditions, in the con-text of general changes in the international situation at present. The author draws a conclusion about the role of the religious factor in the development of the polit-ical crisis in the Persian Gulf. Qatar and Turkey have chosen to rely on the popu-list ‘rising' Sunni Islam of the Muslim Brothers, seeking to legitimize their power through democratic elections. Saudi Arabia is an antithesis to the rule of the Mus-lim Brotherhood, making Wahhabism a partner in sup

    Muslim-Christian relations in Palestine during the British mandate period

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    My dissertation examines Muslim-Christian relations in Palestine during the British mandate period, specifically, around the question of what constituted Palestinian-Arab identity. More broadly speaking, the dissertation addresses the topic within the context of the larger debate concerning the role of material factors (those related to specific historical developments and circumstances) versus that of ideological ones. in determining national identities. At the beginning of the twentieth, century, two models of Arab nationalism were proposed-a more secular one emphasising a shared language and culture (and thus, relatively inclusive of non-Muslims) and one wherein Arab identity was seen as essentially an extension of the Islamic religious community, or umma. While many historians dealing with Arab nationalism have tended to focus on the role of language (likewise, the role of Christian Arab intellectuals), I would maintain that it is the latter model that proved determinative of how most Muslim Arabs came to conceive of their identity as Arabs. Both models were essentially intellectual constructs; that the latter prevailed in the end reflects the predominance of material factors over ideological ones. Specifically, I consider the impact of social, political and economic changes related to the Tanzimat reforms and European economic penetration of the nineteenth century; the role of proto-nationalist models of communal identification-particularly those related to religion; and finally, the role played by political actors seeking to gain or consolidate authority through the manipulation of proto-nationalist symbols

    POLITICAL ISLAM: Asking the Wrong Questions?

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    The empirical literature on political Islam is fairly rich and getting better, but theoretical interpretations of these data are still quite primitive. This gap is a product of Orientalist traditions that essentialize Islamic movements, a resulting lack of appreciation for their global diversity, and the inevitable politicization of the subject matter. This essay seeks not only to identify the most important studies in the field but to show how they suggest a typology, chronology, and problematic that might lead to more fruitful analysis in the future.ABDELMALEK A, 1963, DIOGENES, V44, P107; ABRAHAMIAN E, KHOMEINISM ESSAYS IS; Abrahamian Ervand, 1989, IRANIAN MOJAHEDIN; Abun-Nasr Jamil M., 1965, TIJANIYYA SUFI ORDER; Adelkhah Fariba, 2000, BEING MODERN IRAN; Ahmed A. 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