1,721,054 research outputs found
Third Revision of the Global Surface Seawater Dimethyl Sulfide Climatology (DMS-Rev3)
No full textThis dataset contains all the input data and the Matlab codes for the Third Revision of the Global Surface Seawater Dimethyl Sulphide Climatology (DMS-Rev3)
Shrivardhan Hulswar, Rafel Simo, Martí Galí, Thomas G. Bell, Arancha Lana, Swaleha Inamdar, Paul R. Halloran, George Manville and Anoop S. Mahajan
*corresponding author: Anoop Sharad Mahajan ([email protected])
Details to run the code can be found in the word file: Code details.doc
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Aspect and Argument Licensing in Neo-Aramaic
Get PDFThis dissertation explores interactions between grammatical/viewpoint aspect and argument licensing in several endangered Northeastern Neo-Aramaic languages. The most pervasive of these interactions are the aspect-based agreement splits attested across Northeastern Neo-Aramaic (Doron and Khan 2012), where the agreement pattern of the imperfective is partially or completely reversed in the perfective. There are two language types that are of core interest in the dissertation, which form a natural class in that they have a consistent nominative/accusative alignment across aspects and have a restriction on objects in the perfective: (i) partial agreement reversal, with objects that are specific banned in canonical perfective aspect (Senaya), and (ii) complete agreement reversal, with objects that are non-third person banned in canonical perfective aspect (Christian Barwar, Jewish Zakho, Telkepe, i.a.). The dissertation includes novel data and novel observations from languages of both types, namely Senaya (fieldwork by Laura McPherson, Kevin Ryan, and myself) and Jewish Zakho (my own fieldwork).The two aspect splits described above are the topic of Chapter 2, where it is argued that such splits arise because imperfective Asp (in addition to finite T) can license an argument, while perfective Asp cannot (Kalin and van Urk To Appear); additionally, it is argued that v is not an argument licenser in these languages. There is therefore a fundamental distinction between the argument-licensing capacity of canonical perfective aspect (all licensing must come from T) and canonical imperfective aspect (licensing comes from both Asp and T). The ban on specific objects in the perfective in Senaya (partial reversal) is a result of there only being one argument licenser in canonical perfective aspect, T, which will always license the higher argument, the subject. The ban on non-third person objects in the perfective in complete reversal languages is a result of person and number on T probing separately, with only the number probe reaching the object; this induces a Person Case Constraint effect: the object must be third person, because first/second person nominals require agreement with a person probe (Bejar and Rezac 2003). The analysis is couched in a Minimalist framework (Chomsky 2000, 2001), with argument licensing (Case valuation) resulting from phi-agreement. In Neo-Aramaic, argument licensing is spelled out on the probe as morphological agreement, not as morphological case on the nominal.Having a complete picture of how these Neo-Aramaic aspect splits work depends also on understanding the languages' secondary strategy for expressing perfective aspect (whose argument-licensing pattern looks like that of the imperfective), which is taken up in Chapter 3. I propose that there are two adjacent high aspect projections in the clause. The Neo- Aramaic secondary perfective stacks perfective aspect on top of imperfective aspect, and thus has the additional licensing capacity of imperfective aspect (lower Asp is a licenser) while ultimately being perfective semantically. The lower aspect head, which is imperfective, combines with the verb root to determine the root-and-pattern verb base, while the higher aspect head, which is perfective, is spelled out as the prefix qam-. I propose a compositional semantics for the secondary perfective and draw, in particular, parallels with the affixal aspect `stacking' that is seen in Slavic languages (Babko-Malaya 2003, Svenonius 2004, Ramchand 2008, Gribanova 2013, i.a.).A final crucial component of understanding these Neo-Aramaic aspect splits, taken up in Chapter 4, involves characterizing the pattern of Differential Object Marking (DOM) that arises in these languages---only specific objects trigger/require phi-agreement. I propose that differential marking arises from the interaction of two factors that can vary crosslinguistically: (i) where in nominal structure uninterpretable Case merges, and (ii) where in clause structure argument licensers (obligatorily or optionally) merge. I assume that unvalued features do not need to be valued in the course of a derivation (contra Chomsky (2000, 2001) and following Preminger (2011)), and further, that it is possible for a feature to simply be unvalued (and not uninterpretable) (Pesetsky and Torrego 2007). I maintain (with Chomsky (2000, 2001) and Pesetsky and Torrego (2007)) that uninterpretable features do need to be valued in the course of a derivation.My novel proposal for accounting for DOM is that (unlike in existing proposals) all nominals bear unvalued Case, but only some nominals additionally bear uninterpretable Case; all nominals, then, can be valued for Case (all have a Case feature), though only nominals with uninterpretable Case require licensing, i.e., Case valuation. In the Neo-Aramaic language Senaya, uninterpretable Case is introduced inside nominals on the projection that encodes specificity. In imperfective aspect, Asp is the obligatory Case locus (i.e., the obligatory argument licensing locus), while in perfective aspect, the obligatory Case locus is the one and only Case locus, namely, T. Nonspecific nominals in Senaya do not bear uninterpretable Case, and therefore only have their Case feature valued when they are the closest nominal to an obligatory Case locus, i.e., in subject position. Nonspecific nominals in object position do not get their Case feature valued, because they are not in the scope of an obligatory Case licenser, and can in fact surface in a position where Case/licensing is never available, namely, as the object in a canonical perfective. My claim, then, is that unmarked objects in DOM languages are unmarked precisely because their Case feature is unvalued (which does not cause a crash).Overall, this dissertation contributes to our understanding of argument licensing and the aspectual middlefield: aspectual heads are potential argument-licensing loci and can effect agreement/Case-based aspect splits; aspect-based splits need not involve any ergativity; there are two high aspectual projections; and finally, all nominals have a Case feature, but not all nominals require licensing
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Getting Rid of Number Features
Get PDFThis thesis is a study of the featural representation of nominal number. By looking at patterns of agreement when 1st and 2nd person arguments interact, I argue that the expression of morpholog- ical number does not involve dedicated plural features (e.g., [+plural]). Instead, morphological number is dependent on multiple, privative, atomic features ([INDIVIDUAL]), essentially extend- ing into morphology a standard semantic theory of nominal plurality (Link 1983, Schwarzschild 1992). A feature bundle containing more than one [INDIVIDUAL] feature is mapped to a plural exponent. The empirical discussion centers on agreement in LOCAL contexts, where a 1st or 2nd person acts on another 1st or 2nd person. In many languages, two singular arguments may result in plural morphology on the verb. I show that the plural morphology results from a single syntactic head copying phi-features from two different argument positions, "building" a plural feature bun- dle. I extend the discussion beyond local agreement contexts, and show how Individual Number can account for a large range of data. The proposed theory attempts to unify morphological and semantic representations within a Minimalist framework (Chomsky 1995, 2000, 2001
Third Revision of the Global Surface Seawater Dimethyl Sulfide Climatology (DMS-Rev3)
No full textThis dataset contains all the input data and the Matlab codes for the Third Revision of the Global Surface Seawater Dimethyl Sulphide Climatology (DMS-Rev3)Shrivardhan Hulswar, Rafel Simo, Martí Galí, Thomas G. Bell, Arancha Lana, Swaleha Inamdar, Paul R. Halloran, George Manville and Anoop S. Mahajan*corresponding author: Anoop Sharad Mahajan ([email protected])Details to run the code can be found in the word file: Code details.docxTHIS DATASET IS ARCHIVED AT DANS/EASY, BUT NOT ACCESSIBLE HERE. TO VIEW A LIST OF FILES AND ACCESS THE FILES IN THIS DATASET CLICK ON THE DOI-LINK ABOV
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Word Order and Information Structure in Turkish
Get PDFThis dissertation investigates the interaction between syntax and Information Structure to account for the word order variations in Turkish. By examining the distributional and interpretive properties of Information Structural units, it proposes that semantically vacuous scrambling does not take place in Turkish. The dissertation brings in systematically built data sets from Turkish and argues that the long-lasting disagreements in the theory are due to the oversimplified nature of syntactic hierarchies. It puts forward that Turkish has five discourse-driven functional projections encoded in the syntactic structure-- three Topic projections: Aboutness, Contrastive, Discourse-Given and two Focus projections: Contrastive, and Informational. I specifically show that: (i) the left periphery of the clause structure is for the Aboutness/Contrastive Topic and the Contrastive Focus of the sentence, and (ii) the Discourse-Given Topic and the Informational Focus are below the IP domain (cf. Rizzi, 1997). I propose that all of the Topic projections as well as the Contrastive Focus trigger movement to the specifier of the relevant head, while the Informational Focus stays in-situ. The arguments supporting these claims result from a careful investigation of the interaction between scope-bearing elements and the Information Structure notions in Turkish
Going Beyond Counting First Authors in Author Co-citation Analysis
Get PDFThe present study examines one of the fundamental aspects of author co-citation analysis (ACA) - the way co-citation
counts are defined. Co-citation counting provides the data on which all subsequent statistical analyses and mappings
are based, and we compare ACA results based on two different types of co-citation counting - the traditional type that
only counts the first one among a cited work's authors on the one hand and a non-traditional type that takes into
account the first 5 authors of a cited work on the other hand. Results indicate that the picture produced through this non-traditional author co-citation counting contains more coherent author groups and is therefore considerably clearer. However, this picture represents fewer specialties in the research field being studied than that produced through the traditional first-author co-citation counting when the same number of top-ranked authors is selected and analyzed. Reasons for these effects are discussed
Variations on the Author
Get PDF“Variations on the Author” discusses two of Eduardo Coutinho’s recent films (Um Dia na Vida, from 2010, and Últimas Conversas, posthumously released in 2015) and their contribution to the general question of documentary authorship. The director’s filmography is characterized by a consistent yet self-effacing form of authorial self-inscription: Coutinho often features as an interviewer that rather than express opinions propels discourses; an interviewer that is good at listening. This mode of self-inscription characterizes him as an author who is not expressive but who is nonetheless markedly present on the screen. In Um Dia na Vida, however, Coutinho is completely absent form the image, while Últimas Conversas, on the contrary, includes a confessional prologue that moves the director from the margins to the center of his films. This article examines the ways in which these works stand out in the filmography of a director who offers new insights into the notion of cinematic authorship
Appropriate Similarity Measures for Author Cocitation Analysis
Get PDFWe provide a number of new insights into the methodological discussion about author cocitation analysis. We first argue that the use of the Pearson correlation for measuring the similarity between authors’ cocitation profiles is not very satisfactory. We then discuss what kind of similarity measures may be used as an alternative to the Pearson correlation. We consider three similarity measures in particular. One is the well-known cosine. The other two similarity measures have not been used before in the bibliometric literature. Finally, we show by means of an example that our findings have a high practical relevance.information science;Pearson correlation;cosine;similarity measure;author cocitation analysis
Dispelling the Myths Behind First-author Citation Counts
Get PDFWe conducted a full-scale evaluative citation analysis study of scholars in the XML research field to explore just how different from each other author rankings resulting from different citation counting methods actually are, and to demonstrate the capability of emerging data and tools on the Web in supporting more realistic citation counting methods. Our results contest some common arguments for the continued
use of first-author citation counts in the evaluation of scholars, such as high correlations between author rankings by first-author citation counts and other citation
counting methods, and high costs of using more realistic citation counting methods that are not well-supported by the ISI databases. It is argued that increasingly available digital full text research papers make it possible for citation analysis studies to go beyond what the ISI databases have directly supported and to employ more
sophisticated methods
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