1,720,962 research outputs found
The New Silk Road and China's Evolving Grand Strategy
The new Silk Road has emerged as the signature foreign policy initiative of Xi Jinping's presidency and the main channel through which China is adapting its grand strategy to address daunting economic, environmental, and strategic challenges. In elite discourse, China's period of strategic opportunity (zhanlue j yUq ?????) is no longer defined mainly by other powers' relatively benign postures. In this context, the new Silk Road offers unique insight into descriptions of Chinese foreign policy as becoming more fenf you wei ???? (proactive, or self-achieving): China can increasingly leverage its own capabilities to enhance Chinese influence and secure Chinese interests by proactively encouraging greater regional and global multipolarity. While the West has long-term interests that would be well served by the new Silk Road's success, this would also appreciably augment China's strategic autonomy, ultimately compelling substantial adaptation in American grand strategy.SSCIARTICLE110-1327
The Iranian Nuclear Issue, the End of the American Century, and the Future of International Order
How the U.S.-Iranian competition for influence in the Middle East plays out will have profound consequences not just for the Middle East, but also for the legal frameworks, rules-based regimes, and mechanisms of global governance that shape international order in the 21st century. This is particularly true with regard to U.S.-Iranian disagreements over the Islamic Republic’s nuclear activities. Strategic competition between America and Iran and its implications for international order play out against a backdrop of the progressive diminution of U.S. leadership in world affairs. Relative decline challenges the United States to share the prerogatives of global governance, especially with rising powers in the global South. As America experiences relative decline, its abuse of rules-based regimes governing key dimensions of international relations—e.g., the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT)—for hegemonic purposes becomes less and less sustainable. Today, the U.S. posture toward the Islamic Republic of Iran—particularly on the nuclear issue—is the most potent driver of hegemonic unilateralism in American foreign policy. That is why the manner in which the U.S.-Iranian competition for influence in the Middle East plays out over the next few years—and how Washington conducts itself in this competition—will decisively affect both America’s international standing and the dynamics of international order in the 21st century. To enhance both, the United States needs to drop its deliberate misreading of the NPT and recognize Iran’s right to enrich uranium under international safeguards; it also needs to turn away from its post-Cold War pattern of illegal (and strategically dysfunctional) resort to military force to assert hegemonic prerogatives
The Iranian Nuclear Issue, the End of the American Century, and the Future of International Order
How the U.S.-Iranian competition for influence in the Middle East plays out will have profound consequences not just for the Middle East, but also for the legal frameworks, rules-based regimes, and mechanisms of global governance that shape international order in the 21st century. This is particularly true with regard to U.S.-Iranian disagreements over the Islamic Republic’s nuclear activities. Strategic competition between America and Iran and its implications for international order play out against a backdrop of the progressive diminution of U.S. leadership in world affairs. Relative decline challenges the United States to share the prerogatives of global governance, especially with rising powers in the global South. As America experiences relative decline, its abuse of rules-based regimes governing key dimensions of international relations—e.g., the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT)—for hegemonic purposes becomes less and less sustainable. Today, the U.S. posture toward the Islamic Republic of Iran—particularly on the nuclear issue—is the most potent driver of hegemonic unilateralism in American foreign policy. That is why the manner in which the U.S.-Iranian competition for influence in the Middle East plays out over the next few years—and how Washington conducts itself in this competition—will decisively affect both America’s international standing and the dynamics of international order in the 21st century. To enhance both, the United States needs to drop its deliberate misreading of the NPT and recognize Iran’s right to enrich uranium under international safeguards; it also needs to turn away from its post-Cold War pattern of illegal (and strategically dysfunctional) resort to military force to assert hegemonic prerogatives
Reading Seminar in Social Science: The Geopolitics and Geoeconomics of Global Energy
This course focuses on strategic and political implications of ongoing trends in global energy markets, particularly markets for crude oil and natural gas. The course examines the world's major oil and natural gas producing regions: the Middle East, the Caspian Region, Russia, Venezuela, and the North Sea. Producer-consumer relationships are considered for China, India, Japan, and the United States. United States foreign policy implications, especially with respect to China, are discussed
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The Iranian Nuclear Issue, the End of the American Century, and the Future of International Order
How the U.S.-Iranian competition for influence in the Middle East plays out will have profound consequences not just for the Middle East, but also for the legal frameworks, rules-based regimes, and mechanisms of global governance that shape international order in the 21st century. This is particularly true with regard to U.S.-Iranian disagreements over the Islamic Republic’s nuclear activities. Strategic competition between America and Iran and its implications for international order play out against a backdrop of the progressive diminution of U.S. leadership in world affairs. Relative decline challenges the United States to share the prerogatives of global governance, especially with rising powers in the global South. As America experiences relative decline, its abuse of rules-based regimes governing key dimensions of international relations—e.g., the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT)—for hegemonic purposes becomes less and less sustainable. Today, the U.S. posture toward the Islamic Republic of Iran—particularly on the nuclear issue—is the most potent driver of hegemonic unilateralism in American foreign policy. That is why the manner in which the U.S.-Iranian competition for influence in the Middle East plays out over the next few years—and how Washington conducts itself in this competition—will decisively affect both America’s international standing and the dynamics of international order in the 21st century. To enhance both, the United States needs to drop its deliberate misreading of the NPT and recognize Iran’s right to enrich uranium under international safeguards; it also needs to turn away from its post-Cold War pattern of illegal (and strategically dysfunctional) resort to military force to assert hegemonic prerogatives
The Iranian Nuclear Issue, the End of the American Century, and the Future of International Order
How the U.S.-Iranian competition for influence in the Middle East plays out will have profound consequences not just for the Middle East, but also for the legal frameworks, rules-based regimes, and mechanisms of global governance that shape international order in the 21st century. This is particularly true with regard to U.S.-Iranian disagreements over the Islamic Republic’s nuclear activities. Strategic competition between America and Iran and its implications for international order play out against a backdrop of the progressive diminution of U.S. leadership in world affairs. Relative decline challenges the United States to share the prerogatives of global governance, especially with rising powers in the global South. As America experiences relative decline, its abuse of rules-based regimes governing key dimensions of international relations—e.g., the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT)—for hegemonic purposes becomes less and less sustainable. Today, the U.S. posture toward the Islamic Republic of Iran—particularly on the nuclear issue—is the most potent driver of hegemonic unilateralism in American foreign policy. That is why the manner in which the U.S.-Iranian competition for influence in the Middle East plays out over the next few years—and how Washington conducts itself in this competition—will decisively affect both America’s international standing and the dynamics of international order in the 21st century. To enhance both, the United States needs to drop its deliberate misreading of the NPT and recognize Iran’s right to enrich uranium under international safeguards; it also needs to turn away from its post-Cold War pattern of illegal (and strategically dysfunctional) resort to military force to assert hegemonic prerogatives
Going Beyond Counting First Authors in Author Co-citation Analysis
The present study examines one of the fundamental aspects of author co-citation analysis (ACA) - the way co-citation
counts are defined. Co-citation counting provides the data on which all subsequent statistical analyses and mappings
are based, and we compare ACA results based on two different types of co-citation counting - the traditional type that
only counts the first one among a cited work's authors on the one hand and a non-traditional type that takes into
account the first 5 authors of a cited work on the other hand. Results indicate that the picture produced through this non-traditional author co-citation counting contains more coherent author groups and is therefore considerably clearer. However, this picture represents fewer specialties in the research field being studied than that produced through the traditional first-author co-citation counting when the same number of top-ranked authors is selected and analyzed. Reasons for these effects are discussed
Variations on the Author
“Variations on the Author” discusses two of Eduardo Coutinho’s recent films (Um Dia na Vida, from 2010, and Últimas Conversas, posthumously released in 2015) and their contribution to the general question of documentary authorship. The director’s filmography is characterized by a consistent yet self-effacing form of authorial self-inscription: Coutinho often features as an interviewer that rather than express opinions propels discourses; an interviewer that is good at listening. This mode of self-inscription characterizes him as an author who is not expressive but who is nonetheless markedly present on the screen. In Um Dia na Vida, however, Coutinho is completely absent form the image, while Últimas Conversas, on the contrary, includes a confessional prologue that moves the director from the margins to the center of his films. This article examines the ways in which these works stand out in the filmography of a director who offers new insights into the notion of cinematic authorship
Appropriate Similarity Measures for Author Cocitation Analysis
We provide a number of new insights into the methodological discussion about author cocitation analysis. We first argue that the use of the Pearson correlation for measuring the similarity between authors’ cocitation profiles is not very satisfactory. We then discuss what kind of similarity measures may be used as an alternative to the Pearson correlation. We consider three similarity measures in particular. One is the well-known cosine. The other two similarity measures have not been used before in the bibliometric literature. Finally, we show by means of an example that our findings have a high practical relevance.information science;Pearson correlation;cosine;similarity measure;author cocitation analysis
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