2,356 research outputs found
As interrogativas do português brasileiro: perguntas e respostas
Full text linkTese (doutorado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Comunicação e Expressão. Programa de Pós-Graduação em Linguística.Descrição e análise do comportamento sintático das sentenças interrogativas do português brasileiro (PB) a partir do modelo Princípios e Parâmetros da gramática gerativa. Busca confrontar suas duas versões concorrentes: a Teoria de Regência e Vinculação e o Programa Minimalista, procurando mostrar de que maneira cada uma delas lida com os fenômenos relacionados às interrogativas do PB. Parte da classificação usual das sentenças interrogativas em WH (não-polares) e polares e divide o estudo das interrogativas WH do PB em três partes em função da posição relativa do operador WH, contemplando as interrogativas com WH deslocado, com WH múltiplo e com WH in situ. Os principais fenômenos tratados em relação às interrogativas WH do PB são a inversão Verbo-Sujeito, as estruturas com que/é que, o Efeito de Superioridade, a distinção D-linked/não-D-linked proposta por Pesetsky (1987) e a permanência do sintagmas WH in situ também em LF. O estudo das interrogativas polares do PB, classificadas em Yes/No (Y/N) e Alternativas (esta última incluindo as perguntas A-não-A), se baseou no tipo de resposta que podem receber
Repair of Perforating Internal Resorption with Mineral Trioxide Aggregate: A Case Resport
No full textEffects of various periodontal ligament elastic moduli on the stress distribution of a central incisor and surrounding alveolar bone.
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Wh-Islands: A View from Correspondence Theory
No full textThis paper discusses a family of restrictions on syntactic extraction, so-called wh-islands. The analysis will be based on the OT syntax model developed in Vogel (2004a,b) which focuses on the correspondence between semantic, syntactic and phonological representations, in the spirit of work by Jackendoff (1997), Williams (2003) and Culicover & Jackendoff (2005). I will argue that the wh-island restriction results from the impossibility to establish a perfect semantics-syntax mapping in the relevant structures. The resulting constraint violations add up to yield the wh-island effect. Exceptions to the wh-island restrictions in English are argued to be prosodically licensed.
Section 2 introduces the model I am using, and presents examples of some accounts of ineffability which I developed elsewhere. That section also introduces the basics of my treatment of wh-movement. Section 3 develops the account of wh-islands. Section 4 discusses the exceptions to the wh-island restriction that we see in English, and extends my account to handle these cases. The OT implementation of this account is presented in Section 5.The definitive version of this paper is published in Modeling Ungrammaticality in Optimality Theory. It is available at https://www.equinoxpub.com/equinox/books/showbook.asp?bkid=212Vogel, R. (2009). Wh-Islands: A View from Correspondence Theory. In C. Rice (Ed.), Ungrammaticality in Optimality Theory. Oakville, CT:Equinox Pub. Ltd, 2009ISBN-13 9781845532154 (published book
The interaction of syntax, prosody, and discourse in licensing French wh-in-situ questions
No full textThe current experiment addresses the proposal by Cheng & Rooryk (2000) that wh-in-situ questions in French are marked by an obligatory rising contour, which is the result of an intonation morpheme [Q: ] in C. Twelve native French speakers participated in a production study in which they produced the target interrogatives, along with a range of similar sentences. While most participants were perceived to assign wh-in-situ questions a sentence-final rise, a minority was not. Moreover, the rise associated with wh-in-situ was smaller than the rise exhibited in yes-no questions, which C&R claim to be licensed by the same morpheme. Given that these two results are unexpected under C&R’s account, we conducted a further acoustic analysis of the productions, which revealed that for sentences lacking a sentence-final rise, the the in situ wh-word had an elevated high pitch accent. A statistical analysis shows a negative correlation between the height of the pitch accent assigned to the wh-word and the presence and height of the sentence-final rise, indicating that instead of the sentence-final rise for wh-in-situ questions being optional, it may instead be variable and predictable by focus placed on the wh-word, for discourse reasons. We discuss three possibilities for the status of the intonation morpheme concerning yes-no and wh-questions and the role of information structure in French wh-in-situ questions.Peer reviewed
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