50 research outputs found
Dancing and choreographing in post-war Germany: An interview with Reinhild Hoffman
No full textReinhild Hoffmann spoke to us about the slow shift in the dance studio towards equal Mitspracherecht (German for, literally, “the right to speak with”) of the dancer and author. She furthermore offered an insight into her own working method and her collaboration with Arno
Wüstenhöfer, who offered choreographic directorships to Pina Bausch in Wuppertal and later to Hoffmann in Bremen.</jats:p
"Vertrauen, Einsicht und guten Willen zu wecken". Überlegungen zu einem Zentralbegriff westdeutscher Außenpolitik
No full textHeimwerken als Protest. Instandbesetzer und Wohnungsbaupolitik in West-Berlin während der 1980er-Jahre
Get PDFIn the early 1980s, hundreds of men and women in many West German and West European cities resorted to a rather unusual form of protest. In order to express their dissatisfaction with the local housing situation and policies, they occupied empty apartment buildings and, under the eyes of an astonished public, began renovating them themselves. Focusing on West Berlin as the most prominent case, this article interprets the performance of DIY home improvement tasks in occupied buildings (Instandbesetzer, as they called themselves) as a form of protest, thus drawing attention to the manual work done by squatters and its impact on the housing policies of the 1980s. The DIY measures undertaken publicly by the squatters drew attention to serious political and social shortcomings while at the same time demonstrating possible solutions. The visible (or at least announced) transformation of the built environment forced politicians, the public, and experts alike to discuss both housing policy in general and the idea of self-help as suggested by the squatters. Squatters thus accelerated the readjustment of a housing policy which now incorporated manual self-help by tenants into West Berlin’s city planning, but by the same token also undermined the potential for protest and provocation of such practices.
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Zu Beginn der 1980er-Jahre griffen Hunderte von Männern und Frauen in vielen westdeutschen und westeuropäischen Städten zu einem ungewöhnlichen Mittel, um gegen ihre Wohnsituation und die Wohnungspolitik zu protestieren: Sie begannen, leerstehende Häuser eigenhändig und öffentlichkeitswirksam zu renovieren, die sie vorher besetzt hatten. Am besonders markanten West-Berliner Fall untersucht der Beitrag diese »Instandbesetzer« (so schon die zeitgenössische Selbstbezeichnung) als »Heimwerker aus Protest« und fragt nach der Funktion der handwerklichen Praxis im Häuserkampf der 1980er-Jahre. Die Selbsthilfe der Instandbesetzer machte auf Missstände aufmerksam und demonstrierte zugleich Lösungswege. Die sichtbaren oder zumindest angekündigten Veränderungen der baulichen Umwelt zwangen Politik, Öffentlichkeit und Fachleute, sich sowohl mit allgemeinen Fragen der Wohnungspolitik als auch mit dem konkreten Ansatz der Selbsthilfe auseinanderzusetzen. Sie wirkten wie ein Katalysator bei der Neujustierung einer Wohnungspolitik, die die handwerkliche Selbsthilfe in das städteplanerische Instrumentarium einbaute, ihr damit aber gleichzeitig das Protestpotential nahm
Vertrauen, Misstrauen und die Außenpolitik der Bundesrepublik Deutschland
Get PDFAm Ende des Zweiten Weltkriegs hatte Deutschland jedes Vertrauen verspielt. Wie versuchte die Bundesrepublik, dieses wieder zu gewinnen? Welche Rolle spielten Vertrauen, Misstrauen und Kontrolle bei der Westintegration und in den blockübergreifenden Beziehungen? Wie und warum machte der Begriff Vertrauen in der Nachkriegsdiplomatie Karriere? Die Autorinnen und Autoren dieses Sammelbands analysieren die Außenpolitik der Bundesrepublik Deutschland in den Jahren des Ost-West-Konflikts anhand der Kategorien Vertrauen und Misstrauen. Sie fragen nach rhetorischen Strategien, nach Vertrauen als Ziel politischen Handelns sowie nach seiner Bedeutung im Denken und Handeln wichtiger Akteure. Der Sammelband erschließt so eine bisher weitgehend unberücksichtigte Dimension in der Geschichte der internationalen Beziehungen
Trust between Adversaries and Allies: President George H. W. Bush, Trust, and the End of the Cold War
No full textThis chapter investigates the central role of trust-building for the George H. W. Bush administration and its crucial significance in navigating the political transformations of 1990–91. Portraying Bush's foreign policy as driven by an effort to establish trust among adversaries to minimize risk and maintain order, this chapter shows how Bush and his key advisers, Secretary of State James A. Baker III and National Security Advisor Brent Scowcroft, crafted a strategy of personal diplomacy and caution. Analyzing in particular the demise of the Soviet Union in late 1991 as well as the 1990–91 Kuwait crisis, the chapter highlights the Bush administration's prioritization of reliability, steadfastness, and personal relationships in fostering a culture of mutual trust as key assets for U.S. foreign policy before.</p
Untrusting and untrusted: Mao's China at a crossroads, 1969
No full textThis chapter analyzes the border clashes between the People's Republic of China and the Soviet Union in March 1969. It details the development of Chinese leader Mao Zedong's perception of the Soviet Union as a challenge to China's autonomy and the (cultural) revolution, underscoring Mao's failure to understand how the Soviet Union interpreted his actions as a credible threat. Employing his own frame of reference, Mao failed to grasp that the Soviet Union did not see the border conflict as a catalyst for internal mobilization and political control at home and in its satellite states, but as yet another manifestation of the seeming irrationality of Chinese foreign policy. Mao's surprise and feeling of hostile encirclement, as well as the deepening of Soviet distrust, paved the way in turn for China's famous rapprochement with the United States under President Richard Nixon
“Footnotes” as an Expression of Distrust? The United States and the NATO “Flanks” in the Last Two Decades of the Cold War
No full textThis chapter explores the practice of “footnoting” of joint NATO documents by states such as Denmark and Greece as an expression of disagreement with nuclear policies within the Western defense community. Both Denmark and Greece had experienced a profound decline of trust in NATO's ability and willingness to protect their national interests. In addition, sociocultural and economic change, animosity toward the increasingly bellicose tone of the Reagan administration, and a politically convenient anti-Americanism both forced and allowed the Danish and Greek governments to issue dissenting footnotes to NATO communiqués, criticizing alliance policies. These footnotes therefore can be seen as manifestations of distrust that challenged the operation and harmony of NATO as an effective alliance, even if they could not thwart particular NATO decisions.</p
