1,720,969 research outputs found
Ethnic decentralization and negotiating statehood in urban Ethiopia : a case study of Adama and Hawassa cities
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Since 1991, an ethnic-based federal form of decentralization has been in place in Ethiopia mainly as means for ethno-cultural diversity accommodation and decentralization of power, and thereby foster peace and development in the country. This study examines the implementation and effects of this new political order in multiethnic cities of the country, particularly in Adama and Hawassa cities. The study was mainly a qualitative approach, and used both primary and secondary data. Accordingly, the study reveals out that while Ethiopia’s ethnic federal decentralization processes might have shown some progress at national level in terms of ethno-cultural diversity accommodation, its relevance and feasibility in urban centers appears to be problematic. In the context of the two case study cities, evidently the country’s ethnic federal order fails to provide relevant and competent political designs or institutions that could accommodate the various urban identities and interests. Rather, the prevailing federal political order has resulted in the exclusion of some interests (and identities) and inclusion of some others in the two case study cities, mainly based on ethnic and political affiliation. Among others, the major causes for this were limitations in the philosophy of ethnic federal decentralization, gaps in the federal and regional constitutions, untamed power relations, historical burden, and the rural- biased national development policies of the ruling regime. Such an exclusionary nature of the country’s ethnic federal order in turn has ushered in significant political changes and development in state-society and inter-society relationships in multiethnic cities. One of these was the development of societal engagement in contest and bargaining over state power, resources, symbols, identities and citizenship, or in negotiating statehood, as it is preferred to be called in this study. Such developments, the study argues, contradict the pre-1991 political culture of the country whereby state related political conflicts and negotiations had been confined mainly to the elite and national level.
Central to this study, therefore, is that instead of, or more importantly than state power, the ethnic decentralization processes in Ethiopia have resulted in the ‘decentralization’ of conflict and bargaining over state power, resources, identities, down to the local community, which more or less are similar in both cities. In terms of development implications, the study argues that such changes may have salient meaning and implications for socio-economic and political development process in the country, especially in the long terms, since societal political awareness and engagement could be taken as prerequisite for socio-economic and political development, even for state-building processes in general. However, since the ethnic federal - induced political engagements unfold beyond the scope and even against the norms and principles of the formal institutions, it could lead to unpredictable political and security crises in the country, especially in the short term. The study, therefore, suggests the need to reinvent the country’s ethnic federal political order in a way it could accommodate the various urban identities and interests, and also institutionalize the resultant conflicts of statehood. Doing that may help to expedite the development of the long-coveted democratic and inclusionary state in the country
Regional organizations and security governance: a comparative assessment of IGAD and ASEAN
No full textThe security functions of regional organizations have been greatly enhanced in the post-Cold War period, but they are determined by a host of external and internal factors. In this paper the security functions of two regional organizations, the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) and Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN), are examined from a comparative standpoint. It is amply demonstrated that the efforts of regional countries to pacify the conflict ridden Horn of Africa region through IGAD continue to be frustrated by long-standing practices of mutual intervention, shifting alliances, and an inability to develop shared norms regarding security governance. In contrast to IGAD and many other regional organizations in the developing world, ASEAN has a better track record in the maintenance of regional security in South East Asia. The key to the success of ASEAN in regional security governance lies in its development of norms proscribing mutual intervention and encouraging the use of quiet diplomacy in the resolution of disputes. It is hoped that this will furnish better understanding of both organizations and provide insights that will contribute to academic and policy debates on regionalism in the third World
Shoats and smart phones: Cross-border trading in the Ethio-Somaliland corridor
No full textThis working paper examines the dynamics and trends of cross-border trading in the Ethio-Somaliland corridor. The Ethio-Somaliland corridor is not a mere geographic pathway for the transfer of goods and commodities but rather a transboundary space with ethnic and transethnic networks, official and unofficial authorities, and formal and informal norms. While cross-border trading between the interior parts of Ethiopia and the Somali littoral territories has a long history and continues unabated, it has been affected by state formation processes both in Ethiopia and Somaliland. This study focuses on the trading of livestock and electronics. The two commodities were chosen because of their dominance in terms of the market size and the attention they garner from policy makers. Livestock is by far the major outgoing commodity from Ethiopia in the corridor. The sector also plays a significant role in the livelihoods of large borderland communities on both sides of the border. In recent years, trade in consumer electronics has emerged as an important activity in the corridor, in particular since the introduction of mobile phones. The materiality of the two commodities - live animals and small but high value electronic goods - helps to explain the different trajectories the two goods take in the corridor. This working paper underscores that the fundamental reason for the thriving of cross-border trading in the corridor is the economic rational. As far as this structural issue is not addressed, efforts of the Ethiopian government to prevent or 'regularize' cross-border trading is not going to be realized
New Visiting African Research Fellow at LSE
No full textDr Asnake Kefale is the 2013/2014 Visiting African Research Fellow based in the LSE IDEAS. He is an Assistant Professor of Political Science and International Relations at Addis Ababa University. I met with him on his arrival at the School to talk about his research
Discussing the 2018/19 Changes in Ethiopia: Asnake Kefale
No full textThis is the third, and last, of a series that discusses the changes that have taken place in Ethiopia since 2018. The changes have raised many hopes as well as questions. The podcast for this discussion is available on the Nokoko journal website. This conversation took place on March 9th, with Logan Cochrane in Ottawa and Asnake Kefale in Addis Ababa. This version of the PDF has been reviewed by Logan Cochrane and Asnake Kefale. In addition to the conversation, a set of annotations have been added as footnotes so as to strengthen the value of these publications and enable them to act as a resource for listeners and readers who want to have additional context and/or find additional resources on the topics discussed
Ethiopian Labour Migration to the Gulf and South Africa
No full textThe major objective of the research is to produce evidence-based knowledge on the social and economic impacts of labour migration by looking at the challenges and opportunities of Ethiopian labour migration to the Gulf and South Africa. On the one hand, international migration from Ethiopia could be considered as an aspect of development problem. The major push factors that forces Ethiopian migrants to the Gulf and South Africa are economic/developmental problems ranging from lack of employment opportunities to wage differentials. On the other hand, international migration could be considered as an important resource that could be tapped for accelerating socio-economic development. At the general level, this research aims to examine the successes and failures of policies and institutions in realising the potentials of international migration for socio-economic development of the country and minimizing its adverse impacts. At the same time, the growing problem of illegal migration will be examined
Co-opt and repress : dynamics of youth-government relations in post-2018 Ethiopia
No full textThree years of youth protests (2015-2018) forced the former ruling party of Ethiopia, the Ethiopian Peoples' Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) to introduce political reforms which amounted to regime change. This was accompanied by the transformation of the EPRDF to the Prosperity Party (PP), exacerbating ethnic polarisation, intensification of violent conflicts, fragmentation of the leadership, and civil war(s). This article investigates how the youth protest movements that were credited for Ethiopia's political transition were subsequently fragmented and repressed by the post-transition regime. Drawing on theories of social movements, repression, and co-optation, the paper argues that the ruling party deployed a twin strategy of material and symbolic co-optation alongside repression to neutralise the very youth groups that enabled its rise to power. By closely investigating the cases of the Qeerroo in Oromia and the Fano in Amhara, the study reveals variations in the government's use of repression and co-optation in the two regions, illustrating that regime strategies are not uniform or monolithic, but adaptive and tailored to contexts. Based on qualitative data from 16 semi-structured interviews, the article illuminates the vulnerability of decentralised protest movements in post-authoritarian transitions. The Ethiopian case contributes to broader debates on authoritarian resilience, youth agency, and the fragmentation of popular movements in the aftermath of regime change.Trois ann & eacute;es de manifestations de jeunes (2015-2018) ont forc & eacute; l'ancien parti au pouvoir en & Eacute;thiopie, le Front d & eacute;mocratique r & eacute;volutionnaire du peuple & eacute;thiopien (FDRPE), & agrave; introduire des r & eacute;formes politiques qui se sont traduites par un changement de r & eacute;gime. Cette & eacute;volution s'est accompagn & eacute;e de la transformation du FDRPE en Parti de la prosp & eacute;rit & eacute; (PP), qui a exacerb & eacute; la polarisation ethnique, l'intensification des conflits violents, la fragmentation des dirigeants et la (les) guerre(s) civile(s). Cet article examine comment les mouvements de protestation des jeunes, qui ont & eacute;t & eacute; cr & eacute;dit & eacute;s de la politique de transition de l'& Eacute;thiopie, ont ensuite & eacute;t & eacute; fragment & eacute;s et r & eacute;prim & eacute;s par le r & eacute;gime post-transition. S'appuyant sur des th & eacute;ories des mouvements sociaux, de la r & eacute;pression et de la cooptation, l'article soutient que le parti au pouvoir a d & eacute;ploy & eacute; une double strat & eacute;gie de cooptation mat & eacute;rielle et symbolique, parall & egrave;lement & agrave; la r & eacute;pression, afin de neutraliser ces m & ecirc;mes groupes de jeunes qui lui ont permis d'acc & eacute;der au pouvoir. En examinant de pr & egrave;s les cas des Qeerroo en Oromia et des Fano en Amhara, l'& eacute;tude r & eacute;v & egrave;le des variations dans l'utilisation de la r & eacute;pression et de la cooptation par le gouvernement dans les deux r & eacute;gions, illustrant le fait que les strat & eacute;gies du r & eacute;gime ne sont pas uniformes ou monolithiques, mais adaptatives et personnalis & eacute;es en fonction des contextes. Bas & eacute; sur des donn & eacute;es qualitatives provenant de 16 entretiens semi-structur & eacute;s, l'article met en lumi & egrave;re la vuln & eacute;rabilit & eacute; des mouvements de protestation d & eacute;centralis & eacute;s dans les transitions post-autoritaires. Le cas de l'& Eacute;thiopie contribue & agrave; des d & eacute;bats plus larges sur la r & eacute;silience vis-& agrave;-vis de l'autorit & eacute;, la capacit & eacute; d'agir des jeunes et la fragmentation des mouvements populaires & agrave; la suite du changement de r & eacute;gime.Peer reviewe
Governing Commodity Flows in the Somali Borderlands
No full textThe authors of this chapter scrutinize the processes and practices that shape the governance of cross-border trading within Somali East Africa. Focusing on livestock, sugar, charcoal, electronics, and other goods traded across the Somali-Ethiopian and Somali-Kenyan borders, the chapter analyzes the shifting roles of state and state-like authorities in regulating, facilitating, and interrupting the circulation of goods. The chapter highlights how Somali traders and a host of other actors along the Berbera and Kismayo corridors have specialized in maintaining the flow of goods, releasing them when they encounter friction(s), and putting them back into circulation.</p
Migration, Remittances and Household Socio-Economic Wellbeing : The Case of Ethiopian Labour Migrants to the Republic of South Africa and the Middle East
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