5 research outputs found
Tom O’ Jack’s Lad: A Lancashire Story of the Days of John Wesley. By Uncle Jacob.
No full textDialectos literarios ingleses. -- Lancashire. -- Pertenece a la colección 1800-1950 del Salamanca Corpus. -- Uncle Jacob, pseudónimo. -- Tom O’ Jack’s Lad: A Lancashire Story of the Days of John Wesley. By Uncle Jacob. -- Esta edición se escribió en torno a 1880.[EN] Prose work that contains passages written in the Lancashire dialect [ES] Obra en prosa que contiene pasajes escritos en el dialecto de Lancashir
The Belfield Table Scarf
No full textThis 35” square white cotton table scarf gives some idea of the importance of the Belfield property (now owned by La Salle and housing the President’s office) in Philadelphia society and national circles. The Wister Family used this table scarf from about 1893 to 1903 as a kind of guest book for Belfield Mansion. The visitors signed the cloth in pencil and then one of the family members beautifully embroidered those signatures for posterity. A few penciled signatures remain unembroidered, and the embroidery needle was inserted in one hem about 1903 and remains there to this day.
The owners of Belfield at this time were John and Sarah Tyler Boas Wister. John’s four brothers and their wives signed in the corners. John’s sixth brother (Langhorne) died in 1891, before the table scarf was in use. Many of the 110 signatories have Civil War connections, in addition to the Wister brothers who were all veterans of the War. Just a few of those people with Civil War significance are listed below:
➢ Harriet Beecher Stowe (author of Uncle Tom’s Cabin) and her twin daughters; on meeting Harriet Beecher Stowe in the White House, Abraham Lincoln is reputed to have joked, “So you\u27re the little woman who wrote the book that started this great war. ➢ Walter Cooke, awarded the Congressional Medal of Honor for valor at Bull Run (July 21, 1861). ➢ Julia Ward Howe, American reformer, feminist, abolitionist, and writer of The Battle Hymn of the Republic. ➢ Dr. William Henry Furness, friend of Ralph Waldo Emerson and outspoken Philadelphia anti-slavery minister. ➢ Sara Jane Clarke Lippincott, who wrote under the pseudonym “Grace Greenwood”: abolitionist, activist for women’s rights, indefatigable visitor of hospitalized Civil War soldiers.
Read a detailed paper on the signatories table scarf by La Salle student Kathryn Feld below.https://digitalcommons.lasalle.edu/belfield_civil_war/1000/thumbnail.jp
Logica suis ipsius instrumentis formata auctore Foelice Vero Siceno – editio princeps autografa Logike Fausta Vrančića u Državnom arhivu u Zadru
No full textAccompanied by introduction, notes and facsimiles, here presented is the editio princeps of a recently discovered and so far completely unknown Faust Vrančić’s autograph treatise on logic that was purchased (along with the meagre remains of his personal archive) in 1948 from Vrančić’s distant descendants in Prvić Šepurine, the Island of Prvić, in the vicinity of Šibenik. Other than being the only surviving autograph―in addition to the two thus far well-known printed editions, Logica suis ipsius instrumentis formata a Yusto Verace Siceno (Venice, 1608) and Logica nova suis ipsius instrumentis formata et recognita a Fausto Verancio episcopo Chanadii (Venice, 1616)―the manuscript in the State Archives in Zadar, transcribed and published in this volume contains arguably the oldest version of Vrančić’s Logic.
The examination of external features of the manuscript shows that the text of the treatise itself―although being identical in title and quite analogous in structure―is considerably shorter in length and accordingly of an earlier date than the text of the 1608 edition. It should, however, be explicitly stressed that the autograph script in Zadar is not a draft of the latter, but, quite the contrary, a completed, fully finalized work in its own right. In fact, judging from the manuscript’s thoroughly considered layout and different, ‘hierarchically’ arranged and used types of handwriting, it was prepared by the author himself in order to be sent directly to the printer and used by the typesetter as a template for the final layout of the book. However, given the fact that there is no evidence of the opposite, it should be inferred that this manuscript version of Vrančić’s Logica never came to be printed.
In the concluding part of the article some preliminary thoughts regarding the dating of the manuscript are briefly formulated. On the one hand, the name by which Vrančić signed his treatise―the until recently otherwise unknown pseudonym Foelix Verus―matches the name Felice Vero under which he supplicated and eventually obtained the patent privilege from the Venetian Senate for his own invention of the mill mechanism in 1590. Thus, the possibility that he was working on his treatise on logic by the beginning of the last decade of the sixteenth century should not be dismissed.
Another potential clue, perhaps not for the dating of the particular manuscript, but certainly for the enquiry regarding the time in which Vrančić wrote his ‘first’ Logic, is the identity of the still enigmatic Antonius Cornicinus, the author of the dedicatory four-verse epigram included in all three versions of Vrančić’s Logic. Cornicinus is positively a humanistic name, in all probability derived from cornix (Latin for crow).
Since the family name Vrančić, based on the Croatian word for crow (vrana), is a derivative of a very similar kind, Cornicinus is presumably the last name that Faust Vrančić had ‘invented’ for his paternal uncle Antun Vrančić (Antonius Verantius in order not to reveal the last name common both to the author of the treatise, and to the person who on that occasion wrote encouraging verses. Faust’s uncle, to whom he was deeply indebted for his education, was truly a remarkable intellectual and a man of outstanding political and ecclesiastical career in the service of the rulers of the Habsburg dynasty. At the time of his death, in 1573, he was the Archbishop of Esztergom, i.e. the primate of Hungary, and held the post of the Imperial-Royal locum tenens (a governor) for Hungary. If Antonius Cornicinus is indeed a pseudonym that Faust used to conceal the identity of Antun Vrančić, it would also imply that he wrote his first logical treatise (and sent it to his uncle who would respond with an epigram) while studying at the university of Padua (1568–1572).Nedavno je u Državnom arhivu u Zadru otkriven rukopis Logike Fausta Vrančića, koji se ovdje objavljuje popraćen uvodom, bilješkama i faksimilom autografa. Taj je rukopis, kako slijedi iz analize njegovih vanjskih obilježja, nedvojbeno stariji od Vrančićeve Logike tiskane 1608. godine, ali nije riječ o pripremnom ili radnom tekstu, nego o posve dovršenu djelu, koje je autor upravo u tom obliku naumio objelodaniti tiskom. U zaključnom se dijelu rada iznose argumenti u prilog hipotezi da je Faust Vrančić svoje poimanje logike odlučio uobličiti u zasebnu raspravu znatno ranije no što se to moglo pretpostavljati na temelju do danas poznatih pokazatelja – vjerojatno početkom devedesetih godina 16. stoljeća, a možda još i u vremenu svog studija u
Padovi (1568–1572)
SCIENCE OF VOCABULARY WITH PERSION TURKISH WORDS İLM-İ LUGAT (TEXT)
No full textElimizdeki metin yazıldığı dönemde sıbyan mekteplerinde ders kitabı olarak okutulmuş sözlüklerden bir tanesidir. Ele alınan metin 53 varaklık bir mecmuanın ilk 29 varakında mevcut olan Farsça-Türkçe bölümüdür. Tamamı 53 varak olan eserin Farsça-Türkçe kısmından sonra Arapça-Türkçe bölümü vardır ve nazım tarihi hakkında bilgi verilmemiştir. Metnin tek nüshasının 1560 tarihinde istinsah edildiği bilinmektedir. 1a-28a varakları arasında bulunan Farsça-Türkçe sözlük bölümüne KlAsik Türk Edebiyatı ve Türk Dili sahalarının istifadesine sunulmak üzere çalışılmıştır. 'İlm-i Lugat, ?İm?d-z?de Vel? b. Y?suf-ı ?İm?d?, telif 968/1560 künyeli sözlüğün tespit edilebilen tek nüshası, İran/Tahran, kit?bh?ne-i 'Um?m-ı ?yetull?h Bahf?-i Mar?aş? 2048 numarada kayıtlı, 53 varaklık bir mecmuanın ilk 28 varakında Farsça-Türkçe sözlük yer alırken 29-53 varakları arasında Arapça-Türkçe sözlük kısmı bulunmaktadır. Ahmed b. Vildan-ı Akçeşehr?'nin nesih hattıyla Rebiyül?hir 968/Aralık 1560 tarihinde istinsah edilmiştir. 71 kıt?adan ibaret Farsça-Türkçe sözlük ??m?d? mahlasını kullanan ??m?d-z?de Vel? b. Y?suf tarafından nazmedilmiştir. ??m?d-z?de Vel? Çelebi adıyla tanınan müellif İskilip'te doğmuştur. Manisa müftülüğünden emekli olan dayısı Köse Bozan Efendi'den mezun olarak kadılık görevinde bulunmuş ve bu münasebetle Kadı Veli adıyla da bilinmiş ve şiirde '?m?d? mahlasını kullanmıştır. F??iz? müellifin ölüm tarihini 1003/1595 olarak kaydetmektedir (Fa?iz?). Nüsha Seyyid Ahmed-i Hüseyni tarafından tavsif edilmiş ve tavsifte eserin adı "İlm-i Lugat" şeklinde tespit edilmiş, ancak nazım tarihi hakkında bir bilgi verilmemiştir. Tavsifte eser hakkında verilen bilgide 'İlm-i Lugat, 71 kıt?adan müteşekkildir. Kıt?alar kafiye ve rediflerine göre alfabetik olarak tertip edilmiştir (Öz,1996: 267)' ifadeleri yer almışsa da eserin incelemiş olduğumuz Farsça-Türkçe bölümünde dizelerin eş düzeyde devam etmediği ve belli bir kafiyenin takip edilmediği tespit edilmiştir.This text that is in our hand is one of the dictionaries that was used as a school book in the Ottoman elemantary-primary schools at the time it was written. The text that we are dealing with is the existing Persian-Turkish section of the 53 page/leaf periodical’s first 29 pages/leaves. The complete version of the text is composed of 53 pages/leaves. After the Persian-Turkish part there is an Arabic-Turkish part and the dates of the verses are not given in the text. It is known that the only edition of the text was copied in 1560. The PersianTurkish dictionary section between the pages 1a-28a is studied to serve for the Classical Turkish Literature and Turkish Language fields. The only confirmed copy of the dictionary which has the masthead that says "‘İlm-i Lugat, ?İm?d-z?de Vel? b. Y?suf-ı ?İm?d?, telif 968/1560" is in kit?b-h?ne-i ‘Um?m-ı ?yetull?h Bahf?-i Mar?aş?, Iran/Tehran, with the record number of 2048 and it has 53 pages. In the first 28 pages of the compendium, apperas the Persian-Turkish words. The rest of the compendiom, in between the pages 29 and 53, there is the ArabicTurkish chapter. It was copied by Ahmed b. Vildan-ı Akçeşehri, in the style of naskh calligraphy (nesih hattı), in the fourht month of hijri calendar/Rebiyülahir 968/December 1560. The first part we have studied, composed of 71 verses. This part is titled as Persian-Turkish dictionary. It was put together in form og poetry by ??m?d-z?de Vel? b. Y?suf, who used the pseudonym "??m?d?". The author, who was known by the name ??m?d-z?de Vel? Çelebi, was born in İskilip. He was instructed by his uncle, who had retired from the office of mufti in Manisa. After he completed his education, he served as a kadi (judge). During his his duty as a kadi (judge), he was also known with name Kadi Veli, but he kept using his name İmadi in poetry. About the date of death of the F??iz? author, there has been made a record that states 1003/1595. The copy was announced to science community by Seyyid Ahmedi Hüseyni and in this announcement the name of the volume was determined as "İlm-i Lugat", but it hasn't been given any information about date. The information given in the characterization part, it says that the 'İlm-i Lugat composed of 71 verses. Even though it is stated that, the verses are organized alphabetically, in according to their rhyme and repeated word patterns (Öz, 1996: 267), it is confirmed that in the Persian-Turkish chapter wich we analyzed, the lines do not proceed in an even degree and there is no positive pattern of rhyme
Te Tuhirau i Rehu i Ringa: Translating Sacred and Sensitive Texts: An Indigenous Perspective
No full textThis thesis centers on translator cognition. Through a series of interviews and think-aloud protocols (Chapters 3 – 5), it explores the ways in which a sample of translators (both Māori and non-Māori) negotiate the complex issues involved in translating between a local, Indigenous language (Māori) and an international one (English) and, in particular, how they approach the definition and translation of texts that could be regarded as being ‘sacred’ and/or ‘sensitive’. In their definitions of ‘sacred’ texts and ‘sensitive’ texts, all of the participants exhibited a peculiarly postmodern positioning, focussing primarily on perspective rather than on any absolute concept of truth or reality. With the exception of the Māori participants’ traditional definition of, and approach to texts deemed to be ‘tapu’ (see Chapter 3), all of the participants expressed beliefs about the translation process which were largely structurally-orientated. They emphasized the importance of respecting the cultural context out of which texts emerged and of attempting, in translation, to reflect the meanings deemed to reside in the source texts by virtue of the intentions of their authors. As witnessed in their think-aloud protocols, however, when involved in the actual process of translation the translators did not always adhere to the views expressed in their interviews, with translation procedures ranging from one that was primarily modernist and structural in orientation (but also reflecting the careful attention to co-text and cohesion that is characteristic of much recent research on discourse analysis) to one that was primarily postmodern and post-structural in orientation, being highly personal, autonomous and individualistic.
In the absence of any clear agreement about translation theory in the literature on translation (see Chapter 2), and at a time when pre-modern, modern and postmodern positioning and structural and post-structural perspectives vie for acceptance, each of the participants in this research project appears to have found his or her own way of traversing the complex terrain of translation practice without necessarily being fully aware of the way in which the decisions they made positioned them theoretically. What this suggests is the need for a type of training that introduces novice translators in an explicit way to a variety of theories about human language and communication and the ways in which they can impinge upon translation practice, thus creating a context in which translators are able to make critically informed decisions about how they will proceed in any particular instance, why they will proceed in these ways, and what is required in order to ensure that their beliefs about translation are in accord with their actual practices. Critical awareness of these issues is likely to be particularly important in the case of those involved in translating between international languages such as English and more localized, Indigenous languages such as Māori, where discontinuity in the transmission of the language has occurred and where, therefore, texts that are deemed to be of particular significance would otherwise be unavailable to those for whom the texts form part of their cultural heritage
