128,088 research outputs found
"Encystation": Containment and Control in Israeli Ideology and Practice
The radical closure of Gaza serves here as an extreme example of a process of
isolation and immiseration of national enemies that is deeply rooted in Israeli
ideology and practices of state formation. I use encystation to reveal the dual
meaning of the term—that of radical isolation of diseased elements and that of
protecting a fetus within a womb—and to show how the two meanings connect
with respective Israeli policies toward Palestinians and Jews. I suggest in closing
that the Oslo Accords have put in place mechanisms for the future imposition
on West Bank Palestinians of the same containment currently afflicting Gaz
A review of ploidy manipulations in aquaculture: The Israeli experience
Ploidy manipulation was introduced to Israel at the beginning of the 1980s. To improve existing methods, Israeli fish centers conducted intensive research in this field for more than two decades. Chromosome-set technology was adapted for ten fish species and varieties, including two marine fish. Presently, though methodology achievements are remarkable, practical imple- mentation is applicable only for the common carp. The aim was to integrate gynogenesis and androgenic sex-reversal to generate neomales with special genetic traits in this economically important species that is extensively cultured in Israel. Carp neomales can serve as parents for production of fast-growing all-female populations. This paper describes ploidy manipulation progress and activities carried out in four Israeli fish centers. Future objectives include (a) imple- mentation of the existing know-how to produce tilapia YY-males as broodfish for producing male- monosex populations, (b) dissemination and promotion of export to foreign markets of the advantageous female triploid grass carp and black carp, (c) continuation of genetic work with marine fish to develop breeds that could be advantageous for mariculture, and (d) reconsidera- tion of the ploidy-manipulated koi as a genetic tool to be utilized to facilitate gene-mapping in carps
Land and land conflict in the Palestinian-Israeli peace process:1990-1999
This thesis examines the importance of the debates and struggle over land in the Oslo Accord and immediately post-Oslo. It does this by first situating the conflict
over land in the historical context of the spread of Zionism from the 1880s, culminating in the establishment of the State of Israel in Palestine in 1948. It then reviews and contrasts the policies on land and settlement of the Israeli Labour and Likud parties. The focus of the thesis is an assessment of Israeli settlement policy on the West Bank and Gaza-Strip after the Oslo Agreement of 1993. It examines the sequences of Israeli-Palestinian agreements that have divided Palestinian land into different categories and argues that these categories and the problems they have created have ignored the historical importance of land in the conflict between Israel
and Palestine.
The thesis argues that the classification of land is intended to further subjugate Palestine to the political and economic dominance of Israel, and that the
formulation for discussing land issues undermines the possibility for the establishment of a strong and economically independent Palestinian state. The thesis submits that the persistence of Israeli settlement policy and the manner of Israeli withdrawal from the West Bank has not encouraged the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) to conduct a comprehensive land survey and registration
procedure. Moreover. Israeli strategy in the post-Oslo period has been to promote the cantonisation of Palestine to ensure that any future Palestinian state will remain
economically weak and politically disjointed
A study American - Israeli relations 1967 - 1973
The War of June 1967 proved to be instrumental in changing the perceptions of the principal protagonists in the Arab-Israeli conflict, and also the major powers outside the region. The pre-emptive strike launched by Israel on 6 June began a comprehensive defeat of the Arab states, and in just six days Israel increased her size threefold, incorporating large portions of Arab land into her territory. The changes that occurred can be briefly summed up as follows: Soviet influence within the Arab states increased with military advisers sent to Egypt and Syria in great numbers to help reconstruct the defeated armies (despite the fact that Soviet armaments had failed to avoid a convincing Israeli victory). Israel's confidence both i n her own strength and i n her ability to survive increased. The idea that Israel could act as a "strategic asset" became a firmly established tenet of American foreign policy. Ironically, relations between the Soviet Union and the Arab states, who backed them, were strengthened after the defeat inflicted by Israel. On a practical level, the Soviet Union embarked upon a massive programme of military and economic support for the Arab states, quickly replacing the amount of military hardware that had been lost in the war. The Soviet newspaper "Izvestia" suggested that the Arab states realised that only: "through reliance upon the Soviet Union and other socialist countries, can they abolish completely imperialist influence in the Middle East and achieve Israeli withdrawal from the Occupied Territories"
The Arab Gulf countries and the Arab- Israeli conflict;: the linkages and dynamics (1970-2000)
This thesis examines the changing linkages and dynamics of the relationship between the Arab Gulf countries and the Arab-Israeli conflict through the period of 1970-2000. The Arab Gulf countries' level of involvement in supporting the Arabs and Palestinians in the Arab-Israeli conflict diminished throughout the period of study. The thesis explains this diminishing role by discussing the impact of the developments of international struggle for influence in the Gulf as well as the Israeli ambitions and relations to the Gulf region, largely expressed through the Israeli relationship with Iran under the Shah. The thesis shows that the years 1973, 1979 and 1990 formed important turning points for international influence in the region. These turning points influenced on the level of the Arab Gulf countries' involvement in the Arab-Israeli conflict. Throughout the seventies, the Arab Gulf countries played an active role in supporting the Arab side in the Arab-Israeli conflict. The clearest expression of this support was the implementation of the oil embargo against the West during the October 1973 War. The eighties witnessed the birth of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), the formation of which symbolized the emerging security challenges within the Gulf region. These security challenges represented by the Iranian Revolution, the Iran-Iraq war and the Soviet invasion and occupation of Afghanistan exhausted most of the capabilities and efforts of the Arab Gulf countries. Their focus and attention shifted away from the Arab-Israeli conflict, in spite of the serious and dramatic developments in that conflict. The repercussions of the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait in 1990 resulted in a further diminishment of the role of the Arab Gulf countries in backing the Palestinians in the Arab-Israeli conflict. Only after September 2000 and the beginning of the Second Palestinian Intifada did the Arab Gulf countries again play a vital role, by means of financial, political and media support. The thesis explains the linkages between security in the Gulf and the Arab- Israeli conflict. It examines the hypothesis that a reciprocal relationship explaining the level and type of Arab Gulf countries involvement in the Arab-Israeli conflict has existed throughout the period of the study
On the Dynamics of the Israeli-Arab Arms Race
This paper investigates the causal relationships between the military expenditures and military burden of the four major sides of the Israeli-Arab conflict, namely, Egypt, Israel, Jordan and Syria over the period 1960-2004. We utilize both the causality test suggested by Toda and Yamamoto (1995) and the generalized forecast error variance decomposition method of Pesaran and Shin (1998). Our findings suggest weak causality that runs usually from Israel’s to Arab’s military spending. The strongest links are between Israel and Syria that are still in a state of enmity. No causality was detected between Israel’s and Jordan’s military spending.Arms race, Middle East, Israeli-Arab conflict, Causality, Generalized Forecast Error Variance Decomposition
ON THE DYNAMICS OF THE ISRAELI-ARAB ARMS RACE
This paper investigates the causal relationships between the military expenditures and military burden of the four major sides of the Israeli-Arab conflict, namely, Egypt, Israel, Jordan and Syria over the period 1960-2004. We utilize both the causality test suggested by Toda and Yamamoto (1995) and the generalized forecast error variance decomposition method of Pesaran and Shin (1998). Our findings suggest weak causality that runs usually from Israel’s to Arab’s military spending. The strongest links are between Israel and Syria that are still in a state of enmity. No causality was detected between Israel’s and Jordan’s military spending.Arms race, Middle East, Israeli-Arab conflict, Causality, Generalized Forecast Error Variance Decomposition
The Israeli labour party in opposition and in the national unity government, 1977-1992
The Israel Labour Party and its forerunner Mapai dominated both the pre-state Jewish organisations in Palestine and the early years of the state of Israel prior to 1977. This thesis covers the period between 1977 and 1992 which saw the party’s first electoral defeat (1977) and its eventual return to power (1992). It will argue that during this period the Labour Party was transformed from a dominant party with power (prior to 1977) to a dominant party without power (1977-1981). The years between 1981 and 1992 witnessed the development a more competitive party system in Israel with the Labour Party's status being transformed to that of a non- dominant party either without power (1981-1984 and 1990-1992) or with a share of power during the National Unity Government years (1984-1990).A central theme of the thesis is the continuing "conditioning effects" of the period of dominance in shaping the Labour Party's development, even after it was no longer considered to be a dominant party. This was also in part related to the problem of defining political power in Israel as the Labour Party after its defeat in the parliamentary election in 1977 continued to enjoy a high degree of penetration into the everyday life of the population through its continued control of key institutions in Israel. The thesis is divided into two parts. The first part deals with the period prior to 1977 and examines the development of the labour movement within the dynamic Israeli society as well as the Labour's Party's (Mapai's) relationship with the Israeli political system. In addition, it analyses the existing frameworks for explaining the decline of the Labour Party which was illustrated by its election defeat in 1977. The second part examines the developments of the party between 1977 and 1992 and is divided into historical periods which cover the various changes of government
The new world order and its impact on the Arab Israeli peace process (1991-1999)
This thesis examines the impact of the New World Order on the Arab-Israeli peace process. It argues that, since the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War, the old bipolar World Order has disappeared and a new unipolar one has emerged. The United States of America, as the only remaining single superpower, has enjoyed a great degree of influence and a kind of hegemony in international affairs. Its military superiority and economic, technological and diplomatic strength, in the absence of any competing power, have given it the upper hand to pursue its own policies and its own interests. This American unipolarity and hegemony are clearly demonstrated in the Middle East peace process. The United States' unipolarity on the international level and its hegemony on the regional level have allowed it to pursue policies to resolve the Arab- Israeli conflict. Regional states, released from the constraints or protection of the patron- client relationships fostered under the bi-polar Old World Order, have adjusted their own policies to take into account this New World Order. A neo-realist understanding of this has been developed which assesses this process in terms of international and regional balance of power and "rules of the game”. This method had been used to understand the reasons for and nature of the Arab- Israeli peace negotiations that started at Madrid in 1991 and developed in Oslo in 1993. The thesis argues that these negotiations were in fact a single process which was the direct result of this American-led New World Order. Whether through direct or indirect American involvement or through the indirect or direct acknowledgement by regional actors of the nature of the New World Order, American interests and preferences have been strongly reflected in the peace process
Going Beyond Counting First Authors in Author Co-citation Analysis
The present study examines one of the fundamental aspects of author co-citation analysis (ACA) - the way co-citation
counts are defined. Co-citation counting provides the data on which all subsequent statistical analyses and mappings
are based, and we compare ACA results based on two different types of co-citation counting - the traditional type that
only counts the first one among a cited work's authors on the one hand and a non-traditional type that takes into
account the first 5 authors of a cited work on the other hand. Results indicate that the picture produced through this non-traditional author co-citation counting contains more coherent author groups and is therefore considerably clearer. However, this picture represents fewer specialties in the research field being studied than that produced through the traditional first-author co-citation counting when the same number of top-ranked authors is selected and analyzed. Reasons for these effects are discussed
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