14 research outputs found
CHANGE IN NATIONAL SECURITY MARKERS IN OFFICIAL POLITICAL DISCOURSE: UKRAINIAN CONTEXT
No full textDiscourse analysis allows us to identify markers of change in values, which is a sign of democratic development. However, this does not mean a radical change in values, but rather their correlation with the economic, social, cultural dimensions of society. When it comes to national security as the value of the country, then here we can see the dichotomy of the collective “we” with the individualistic “I”. In democratic societies, the priority of national security is higher than the values of self-expression, while the authorities guarantee human rights and freedoms.
The study provides a theoretical analysis of the nature of official political discourse. The influence of discourse on the political system through the category of «security» is considered. At the first stage, the theoretical and methodological analysis is conducted in terms of social practice of G. Deleuze and M. Foucault. At the second stage, a comparative analysis of the concept of national security of Ukraine was conducted. At the third stage, markers of the value components of Ukraine’s national security were identified, which both presidents have used. This allowed us to understand the discourse practice of official political discourse as a strategy to influence the political system
Explicit and implicit forms of self-determination as geopolitical pressure on the formation of Ukraine's local policy (1994 – 2004)
No full textThe purpose of the article is to demonstrate open and hidden forms of external influence on Ukraine's domestic policy on the example of regional claims for self-determination. The major problem is that the Russian language issue, difficulties in boundary delimitation and the lack of information strategy in Ukraine's foreign policy resulted in an explicit and implicit influence on the political situation in Ukraine in 1994 - 2004. The analysis of the problem covers the times of L. Kuchma's presidency and has been undertaken on the basis of materials of the Ukrainian press of that time. The content analysis helped to track the reflection of Ukrainian society at the challenges of that time and discover the technologies of influence.The purpose of the article is to demonstrate open and hidden forms of external influence on Ukraine's domestic policy on the example of regional claims for self-determination. The major problem is that the Russian language issue, difficulties in boundary delimitation and the lack of information strategy in Ukraine's foreign policy resulted in an explicit and implicit influence on the political situation in Ukraine in 1994 - 2004. The analysis of the problem covers the times of L. Kuchma's presidency and has been undertaken on the basis of materials of the Ukrainian press of that time. The content analysis helped to track the reflection of Ukrainian society at the challenges of that time and discover the technologies of influence
Peculiarities of the Emotional Impact of Propaganda on Society*
No full textThe peculiarities of the promotion of the narrative of Ukrainian biological weapons by Russian propaganda during the Russian-Ukrainian war are investigated. The impact of such propaganda on public opinion is deconstructed. Measures to counter such propaganda by non-state research organizations and non-state mass media are outlined. It was determined that in the modern world, propaganda turns the real world into a fictional world. As a form of communication, propaganda seeks to direct the reaction and/or behaviour of the subject. An important factor is that with the help of information that is promoted through certain technologies, an opinion that is important to the government is represented. Especially when this government is at war. And when the consumer of information receives a lot of information, he can not only understand the reality in which he is, but can also lose it. Therefore, at least two opposing points of view can form an information space, divide it and counterattack each other. As a result, confrontation between people will be established. In the war with Ukraine, Russia created a multi-level information space, in each of which Ukraine is accused of spreading Nazism, suppressing Russian speakers, spreading biological weapons, etc. A unique aspect of contemporary Russian propaganda is its creation of numerous narratives on diverse subjects, each consistently highlighting the presence of an enemy. And this is Ukraine. Undoubtedly, the goal of such a strategy is to justify a military invasion of the territory of Ukraine, and not only in 2022, but also in 2014. Propaganda narratives must also be thwarted by a multi-layered countermeasure, an important element of which is NGOs
Peculiarities of the Emotional Impact of Propaganda on Society*
No full textThe peculiarities of the promotion of the narrative of Ukrainian biological weapons by Russian propaganda during the Russian-Ukrainian war are investigated. The impact of such propaganda on public opinion is deconstructed. Measures to counter such propaganda by non-state research organizations and non-state mass media are outlined. It was determined that in the modern world, propaganda turns the real world into a fictional world. As a form of communication, propaganda seeks to direct the reaction and/or behaviour of the subject. An important factor is that with the help of information that is promoted through certain technologies, an opinion that is important to the government is represented.
Especially when this government is at war. And when the consumer of information receives a lot of information, he can not only understand the reality in which he is, but can also lose it. Therefore, at least two opposing points of view can form an information space, divide it and counterattack each other. As a result, confrontation between people will be established. In the war with Ukraine, Russia created a multi-level information space, in each of which Ukraine is accused of spreading Nazism, suppressing Russian speakers, spreading biological weapons, etc. A unique aspect of contemporary Russian propaganda is its creation of numerous narratives on diverse subjects, each consistently highlighting the presence of an enemy. And this is Ukraine. Undoubtedly, the goal of such a strategy is to justify a military invasion of the territory of Ukraine, and not only in 2022, but also in 2014. Propaganda narratives must also be thwarted by a multi-layered countermeasure, an important element of which is NGOs
Магічний дискурс влади в умовах війни
No full textМацишина І. Магічний дискурс влади в умовах війни / Ірина Мацишина // Журналістика та соціальні комунікації в контексті становлення громадянського суспільства в Україні і в світі: виклики, тенденції, перспективи : матер. Всеукраїнської наук.-практ. конф. (м. Одеса, 4 листопада 2022 р.) / наук. ред. В. Колкутіна, упоряд. Ю. Грушевська - Одеса : Національний університет «Одеська юридична академія», 2022. - С. 78-81
The COVID-19 Pandemic, Twitter, and the Archetype of “Country Savior” in the Ukrainian Case
No full textThe COVID-19 pandemic has updated the attention of social scientists in the study of the role and influence of archetypes on public opinion. On social networks, Ukrainian politicians inform citizens about the fight against the pandemic. It is presented as a feat, the salvation of not only the nation, but also the world. Politicians are independently constructing an image of the hero who helps to create a vaccine or arrange its supply and save the country’s population. To establish the archetype of the hero through the discourse of vaccination, this articlea analyzed the strategies of constructing the archetype of the “country savior,” using the Greimas actantial model. As a result, the actantial categories were discovered by using the computer semantic analysis of tweets. It was found that politicians use the archetypes of the savior-industrialist (Viktor Medvedchuk), savior-inspirer (Volodymyr Zelenskyy) and savior-patron (Petro Poroshenko). A method for measuring negativism and its intensity in the messages of politicians was also proposed, and it was found that the representative of the government perceives the situation in a more positive way, while the opposition mostly negatively. It was also found that the amount of negativism and its intensity can be interpreted through the actantial models
Terrorism, extremism, xenophobia
No full textИзучение природы терроризма уводит от проблемы рефлексии на насилие
и насилие, как рефлексию на окружающий мир. Основная задача заключается в анализе
понятий «ксенофобия» и «экстремизм» как причинно-следственная природа терроризма
в Украине. Знание каналов распространения терроризма, групп риска ксенофобских атак
позволяет выявить манипулятивную технологию как сознательный сценарий по расколу
страны.Вивчення природи тероризму не достатньо розглядає проблему рефлексії
на насильство і насильство, як рефлексію на навколишній світ. Основне завдання полягає
в аналізі понять «ксенофобія» і «екстремізм» як причинно-наслідкова природа тероризму
в Україні. Знання каналів поширення тероризму, груп ризику ксенофобських атак дозволяє
виявити маніпулятивну технологію як свідомий сценарій з розколу країни.The study of the nature of terrorism distracts from the problems of reflection on
violence and violence as a reflection of the surrounding world. The main objective is to analyze the
concepts of «xenophobia» and «extremism» as the causal nature of terrorism in Ukraine. Knowing
the distribution channels of terrorism risk groups xenophobic attacks reveals the manipulative
technologies as a conscious script to split the country. Ukraine is now in the form of his world
breaks on a range of «his» - «alien». There are several sides:
- «Bandera» (territory of Galicia and the surrounding area);
- «Donetsk» (Donetsk and Luhansk region);
- «Crimeans» (the Crimea);
- «Other» (here are due to the Jews in Odessa and others.).
There is a «risk» that periodically are objects of xenophobia:
• Roma (Gypsies). Due to the socio-economic, cultural and historical reasons, the majority of
members of this ethnic group belong to the poorest of the poor.
• Crimeans who now live on the peninsula of Crimea. It remains difficult position of the Crimean
Tatars in Crimea, who were held hostage secret policy of the Kremlin.
• periodically undergo stable xenophobia and Jews. Despite the fact that the history of the
Jewish population developed immunity to such a relation, the physical assaults and attacks on
information they are not insured;
• There is also a new «risk group» may include legal or illegal immigrants to Ukraine.
It is interesting that until recently, the term «bandera», which was peculiar to the inhabitants of
the Western Ukraine, now acquired an entirely different connotation. In this case, mifotehnologiya
here played the role of PR both within the Ukrainian state and beyond. Information confrontation,
which used the term «banderovets» Russian media in a negative shade, led to an unexpected
turn. The idea of protecting the state against foreign intervention and the way the defense of the
Ukrainian land has picked up the rhetoric and propaganda of the Russian media, thanks to her,
have created the modern national symbol. There was a transformation of the object «banderovets»
in a particular area at a particular time, and that made it a timeless and spaceless concept at all.
What previously was applied as a synonym for fascism turned into patriotism. Analyzing the types
of characters such as myth, Knight, general, master, rebel loner immediately clear that the concept
of «banderovets» fits any of the images. The study tested enough to ride the communication flows
from the attack Russian media and already build their own news reports with built-in definitions,
there was a change in attitude not only to the concept of «banderovets», but also to fascist rhetoric
in this context
The sentence for inverted image
No full textВплив візуального на повсякденну практику дозволяє аналізувати діалектику протесту з позиції візуальних форм висловлювання. У цьому контексті влада, як форма контролю, ризикує перетворитися на пародійність на рівні власної параноїдальності. Коли зображення сприймаються як реальність, виникає питання «Де справжня реальність?». Звідси вираз Рене Магрітта «Це не трубка» стає застережливим дня сьогоднішнього.Влияние визуального на повседневную практику позволяет анализировать диалектику протеста с позиции визуальных форм высказывания. В этом контексте власть, как форма контроля, рискует превратиться в пародийность на уровне собственной параноидальности. Когда изображение понимается как реальность, возникает вопрос «Где настоящая реальность?». Отсюда выражение Рене Магритта «Это не трубка» становится зловеще предостерегающим дня сегодняшнего.Visual images has an impact on daily practice. This can be seen in the protest, which uses the image. Power of Comptroller risks becoming, in Power a schizophrenic. When the image is understood as reality. The question arises, "Where then reality itself?". From here, the expression of Rene Magritte "This is not a pipe" becomes sinister
Женский образ в телевизионной рекламе (опыт визуального)
No full textДіалог : Медіа-студії : збірник наукових праць / ред. кол. : відп. ред. Александров О. В. [та ін.]. — Одеса : Астропринт, 2012.У статті проводиться аналіз мікроконтексту телевізійної реклами на прикладі презентації жіночого образу. Показано, що мова репрезентації конструює «вторинний дискурс» соціальної взаємодії.В статье проводится анализ микроконтекста телевизионной рекламы на примере презентации женского образа. Показано, что язык репрезентации конструирует «вторичный дискурс» социального взаимодействия.The article analyzes mikrokonteksta television commercials as an example of female presentations. It is shown that the language of representation constructs a «secondary discourse» of social interaction
Terrorism, extremism, xenophobia
No full textИзучение природы терроризма уводит от проблемы рефлексии на насилие
и насилие, как рефлексию на окружающий мир. Основная задача заключается в анализе
понятий «ксенофобия» и «экстремизм» как причинно-следственная природа терроризма
в Украине. Знание каналов распространения терроризма, групп риска ксенофобских атак
позволяет выявить манипулятивную технологию как сознательный сценарий по расколу
страны.Вивчення природи тероризму не достатньо розглядає проблему рефлексії
на насильство і насильство, як рефлексію на навколишній світ. Основне завдання полягає
в аналізі понять «ксенофобія» і «екстремізм» як причинно-наслідкова природа тероризму
в Україні. Знання каналів поширення тероризму, груп ризику ксенофобських атак дозволяє
виявити маніпулятивну технологію як свідомий сценарій з розколу країни.The study of the nature of terrorism distracts from the problems of reflection on
violence and violence as a reflection of the surrounding world. The main objective is to analyze the
concepts of «xenophobia» and «extremism» as the causal nature of terrorism in Ukraine. Knowing
the distribution channels of terrorism risk groups xenophobic attacks reveals the manipulative
technologies as a conscious script to split the country. Ukraine is now in the form of his world
breaks on a range of «his» - «alien». There are several sides:
- «Bandera» (territory of Galicia and the surrounding area);
- «Donetsk» (Donetsk and Luhansk region);
- «Crimeans» (the Crimea);
- «Other» (here are due to the Jews in Odessa and others.).
There is a «risk» that periodically are objects of xenophobia:
• Roma (Gypsies). Due to the socio-economic, cultural and historical reasons, the majority of
members of this ethnic group belong to the poorest of the poor.
• Crimeans who now live on the peninsula of Crimea. It remains difficult position of the Crimean
Tatars in Crimea, who were held hostage secret policy of the Kremlin.
• periodically undergo stable xenophobia and Jews. Despite the fact that the history of the
Jewish population developed immunity to such a relation, the physical assaults and attacks on
information they are not insured;
• There is also a new «risk group» may include legal or illegal immigrants to Ukraine.
It is interesting that until recently, the term «bandera», which was peculiar to the inhabitants of
the Western Ukraine, now acquired an entirely different connotation. In this case, mifotehnologiya
here played the role of PR both within the Ukrainian state and beyond. Information confrontation,
which used the term «banderovets» Russian media in a negative shade, led to an unexpected
turn. The idea of protecting the state against foreign intervention and the way the defense of the
Ukrainian land has picked up the rhetoric and propaganda of the Russian media, thanks to her,
have created the modern national symbol. There was a transformation of the object «banderovets»
in a particular area at a particular time, and that made it a timeless and spaceless concept at all.
What previously was applied as a synonym for fascism turned into patriotism. Analyzing the types
of characters such as myth, Knight, general, master, rebel loner immediately clear that the concept
of «banderovets» fits any of the images. The study tested enough to ride the communication flows
from the attack Russian media and already build their own news reports with built-in definitions,
there was a change in attitude not only to the concept of «banderovets», but also to fascist rhetoric
in this context
