336 research outputs found
Integration and democracy in the European Community: the contours of a dilemma
Wolfgang Merkel. 30 cm. He presented this paper at a seminar held at the Center for Advanced Study in the Social Sciences of the Juan March Institute in Madrid, on December 4, 1992. - T.p. Bibliography: p. 38-41
Angela Merkel wobec integracji Turcji z Unią Europejską w latach 2005–2015
The aim of the article is to present the position of Angela Merkel to Turkey’s membership in the European Union in years 2005–2015. It has been divided into 6 parts, which introduces the history of relations between the EU and Turkey, and Chancellor’s most pronounced concerns in connection with the efforts of Turkish accession. The author realizes that she did not present the whole range of issues related to the Turkey’s efforts, but outlined the important issues thatinfluenced the most Angela Merkel’s attitude in the past 10 years.Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie stanowiska Angeli Merkel wobec członkostwa Turcji w Unii Europejskiej w latach 2005–2015. Podzielony został na 6 części, które przybliżają historię stosunków unijno-tureckich oraz najczęściej pojawiające się kwestie podejmowane przez kanclerz w związku z tureckimi staraniami o akcesję. Autorka zdaje sobie sprawę, iż nie przedstawiła całego wachlarza zagadnień związanych z staraniami o członkostwo tegoż państwa, niemniej zarysowała ważne kwestie, które najbardziej wpłynęły na postawę A. Merkel w ostatnich 10 latach
Was bringt die Föderalismusreform? Wahrscheinliche Effekte der geänderten Zustimmungspflicht
The recently enacted reform of German federalism is supposed to make legislation faster, more efficient and better. To what extent are these expectations justified? In order to assess the likely effects of the reform, this study uses a research design that was recently applied by the Research and Reference Services of the German Bundestag (parliament): we estimate the future effects of the reform by analyzing the impact it would have had on the legislation in the 14th and 15th term of the Bundestag if it had already been been in force at that time. In particular we ask: To what extent would the number of laws requiring the consent of the states' chamber, the Bundesrat, have been reduced? Which type of laws would have been affected by this reduction - the more controversial ones, or the less controversial ones? Which policy sectors would have seen the greatest reduction? How much would the reduction have increased the government's capacity to act effectively? Would the legislative process have been accelerated? -- Die verabschiedete Föderalismusreform soll die Gesetzgebung in Deutschland schneller, effizienter und besser machen. Inwiefern sind diese Erwartungen berechtigt? Zur Abschätzung der Reformfolgen auf die Bundesgesetzgebung folgen wir in dem vorliegenden Working Paper einer Vorgehensweise, die der Wissenschaftliche Dienst des Bundestages kürzlich in einer Studie angewandt hat: Die Auswirkungen der Föderalismusreform insbesondere auf die Zustimmungspflicht werden anhand der Gesetzgebung der 14. und 15. Legislaturperiode untersucht. Wir fragen insbesondere: Wie stark hätte sich der Anteil der Zustimmungsgesetze verringert, wenn die neuen Zustimmungsregeln schon in diesen beiden Legislaturperioden gegolten hätten? Wären eher zwischen Regierung strittige oder unstrittige Gesetze von der Zustimmungspflicht befreit worden? Welche Politikbereiche wären betroffen? Wie sehr hätte sich die politische Handlungsfreiheit der Bundesregierung erhöht? Wäre die Gesetzgebung durch die veränderten Zustimmungsregeln beschleunigt worden?
Merkel Cell Carcinoma with a Suppressor of Fused (SUFU) Mutation: Case Report and Potential Therapeutic Implications
The Author(s) 2015. This article is published with open access at Springerlink.com Introduction: Merkel cell carcinoma is a neuroendocrine malignancy. Suppressor of fused (SUFU) is a tumor suppressor oncogene that participates in the Hedgehog (Hh) signaling pathway. The aim of the study wa
SPEECH STRATEGIES AND TACTICS IN THE ANNUAL ADDRESSES OF ANGELA MERKEL
The article is devoted to studying speech strategies and tactics on the material of annual addresses of Angela Merkel. The author carries out the systematic linguistic analysis of her speeches in the period from 2005 to 2015 and reveals the dynamics of the speaker's stratagem and tactic complex development. The peculiarities of speech strategies and tactics used byAngela Merkel are investigated by the methods of continuous sampling and contextual analysis. As the research shows, the main speech strategies used by Angela Merkel in the analyzed texts are the following: the self-presentation strategy, the interpretation strategy, the argumentation strategy, the strategy of forming the addressee's emotional state, and the agitation strategy. Consequently, the implementation of these strategies through the set of speech tactics lets the speaker fulfil certain communicative objectives. In one of her annual speeches Angela Merkel aims to inform the audience, to interpret some facts or data, to assume confidence-building measures, to consolidate the people, to determine common tasks, to make audience believe in correctness of their political choice, to discredit political competitors, to stimulate recipients to take some actions etc. Moreover, the process of combining strategies and tactics promotes optimal achievement of communicative targets. The conclusions of this article may result in further academic research. Therefore the comparative analysis of speech strategies and tactics in Russian and German political discourse can be perspective of this study
Sukcesy i porażki kanclerz Angeli Merkel w polityce europejskiej Niemiec (2005-2021)
The aim of the article was to analyse the Germany’s European policy under the rule of Chancellor A. Merkel in terms of solving emerging crises in the European Union in the 21st century. The author presented a thesis that despite the scale of problems, Chancellor Merkel was successful in finding solutions favourable to Europe. Her methods were often controversial and debatable, but she was able to break the resistance of her opponents. After Brexit, her greatest objectives were to maintain the cohesion of Member States and to guide the EU safely through the COVID-19 epidemic.Celem artykułu była analiza polityki europejskiej Niemiec pod rządami kanclerz A. Merkel pod kątem rozwiązywania zaistniałych kryzysów w Unii Europejskiej w XXI wieku. Autor przedstawił tezę, że pomimo skali problemów, kanclerz Merkel na ogół z powodzeniem znajdowała korzystne dla Europy rozwiązania. Jej metody były niejednokrotnie kontrowersyjne i dyskusyjne, ale potrafiła przełamać opór swoich przeciwników. Po Brexicie jej największą zasługą było utrzymanie spoistości państw członkowskich i bezpieczne prowadzenie UE przez epidemię COVID-19
Tower characteristics correlation and parameter retrieval in wet-cooling tower with expanded wire mesh packing
In this work, an experimental investigation is performed on a counter flow forced draft cooling tower with expanded wire meshed fill as packing material. The effect of controlling parameters such as the air and water flow rates on the performance parameters such as the range, water evaporation rate, heat rejection/gain rates, Merkel number, effectiveness and global heat and mass transfer coefficient has been analyzed. A correlation is then subsequently developed for the Merkel number as a function of water and air flow rates. Next, an optimization problem is solved to simultaneously estimate the controlling parameters in order to satisfy a given Merkel number using differential evolution. It is found from the present study that many feasible combinations of controlling parameters satisfy a given value of the Merkel number, which may be useful to the operator for regulating desired conditions.IIT Ropa
Expression of Mismatch Repair Proteins in Merkel Cell Carcinoma
We aimed to assess for the first time the mismatch repair (MMR) protein expression in Merkel cell carcinoma (MCC). Immunohistochemistry was performed for MLH1, MSH2, MSH6, and PMS2 on patients’ tumor tissue (n = 56), including neighbored healthy control tissue. In cases with low-level MMR expression (<10th percentile), we performed multiplex PCR in combination with high-resolution capillary electrophoresis in order to confirm microsatellite instability (MSI). Microscopic evaluation revealed a high median expression for all MMR proteins studied (91.6–96.3%). However, six patients (56/10.7%) had low-level MLH1 expression, six (55/10.9%) had low-level MSH2 expression, five (56/8.9%) had low-level MSH6 expression, and six (54/11.1%) had low-level PMS2 expression. Together, we observed nine (56/16.1%) patients who had low-level MMR expression of at least one protein. Of the patients with low-level MMR expression, MSI evaluation was possible in five cases, revealing one case with high-level MSI. In all MMR proteins assessed, low-level expression was significantly (p = 0.0004 to p < 0.0001) associated with a negative Merkel cell polyomavirus (MCPyV) status. However, the expression profiles of the MMR proteins did not correlate with clinical outcome measures such as disease relapse or death (p > 0.05). MCC appears to be a malignancy characterized by low-level MMR rather than completely deficient MMR in a subset of cases, predominantly affecting MCPyV-negative tumors. Future studies will establish whether this subset of MCC patients respond better to immune checkpoint inhibitor therapy
Demokratiebarometer: ein neues Instrument zur Messung von Demokratiequalität
Ziel dieses Artikels ist die Präsentation eines neuen Demokratieindex – des Demokratiebarometers. Das Demokratiebarometer versucht, die konzeptionellen und methodologischen S chwächen bisheriger Demokratiemaße zu überwinden, um so die Qualitätsunterschiede von etablierten Demokratien messen und analysieren zu können. Der Index basiert auf einem ausdifferenzierten Demokratiekonzept, aus dem in mehreren transparenten S chritten die Messindikatoren abgeleitet werden: Aus den drei konstituierenden Prinzipien F reiheit, Gleichheit und Kontrolle werden zunächst neun grundlegende F unktionen deduziert, aus denen dann Komponenten und daraus wiederum Subkomponenten und schließlich Indikatoren abgeleitet werden. Dieses Konzept wird in einem ersten S chritt dargelegt. Danach werden die methodologischen Grundlagen – die Messung und Aggregierung – des Demokratiebarometers erläutert. Die Präsentation erster Resultate sowie die E rgebnisse verschiedener Validitätstests zeigen schließlich die Plausibilität und das Potenzial dieses neuen Messinstruments auf
Działania rządu federalnego w zakresie zwalczania ekstremizmu prawicowego i politycznej radykalizacji w okresie kanclerstwa Angeli Merkel (2005-2021)
The goal of this article is to analyse activities undertaken by the federal government to assess and tackle the issue of right-wing extremism and political radicalisation during Angela Merkel’s chancellorship. Firstly, the scale of the phenomenon of right-wing extremism between 2005 and 2021 is presented. Thereafter, the author moves to review activities undertaken to combat extremism and complementary efforts taken to promote democratic attitudes. It has been concluded that the discussed activities were intensively undertaken, particularly by the last two Merkel governments. However, they often took place post factum, as a reaction to tragic events.Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie działań podejmowanych w celu zwalczania ekstremizmu prawicowego i politycznej radykalizacji na poziomie rządu federalnego w okresie kanclerstwa Angeli Merkel. W pierwszej części podjęto próbę oszacowania skali ekstremizmu prawicowego w latach 2005-2021. Następnie omówiono działania w zakresie deradykalizacji i komplementarne do nich inicjatywy wzmacniające postawy demokratyczne. Stwierdzono, że działania te rozwijano intensywnie, zwłaszcza w okresie dwóch ostatnich rządów Merkel, choć bardzo często dopiero post factum, w reakcji na tragiczne wydarzenia
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