1,721,047 research outputs found
Complex entanglements: Moving from policy to public sociology in the Arab world
Full text linkIn this article, the author surveys his own career to illustrate some of the dilemmas of research, especially when it assumes a critical and public face. He shows how his work on Palestinian refugees, their socioeconomic rights, their right of return and their camps evolved toward complex forms of traditional and organic public sociology. The article concludes with reflections on one of the major dilemmas researchers face: conducting public research without losing its critical edge, even toward the deprived groups it seeks to protect. The moral of the story: good scientists are not always popular. © The Author(s) 2014.Adorno T, 1980, ADORNO READER, P239; Burawoy M, 2005, AM SOCIOL REV, V70, P4; Government of Lebanon, 2008, COMM CHALL SHAR RESP; Hale CR, 2006, CULT ANTHROPOL, V21, P96, DOI 10.1525-can.2006.21.1.96; Hanafi S, 2012, IDAFAT, V20-21, P4; Hanafi S, 2011, CURR SOCIOL, V59, P291, DOI 10.1177-0011392111400782; Wolff KH, 1992, RENAISSANCE SOCIOLOG, P2010
(In)Security and reconstruction in post-conflict Nahr al-Barid refugee camp
No full textThis article examines the intersection of the Lebanese state's post-conflict security policy in Nahr al-Barid refugee camp and the reconstruction of the camp, which was destroyed in a battle between the Lebanese army and the militant group Fatah al-Islam. The significance of the government's security focus derives from its intention to make Nahr al-Barid a modelfor all the other camps in the country. After discussing the Lebanese security context, the characteristics of the pre-conflict camp, the arrival of Fatah al-Islam, and the ensuing battle, the authors focus on the urban planning process for a reconstructed Nahr al-Barid, highlighting both the state's militarization of the process and the local grassroots planning initiative which, in partnership with UNRWA, managed to secure some concessions. Also analyzed is the government plan submitted to donors, which conceives of governance as community policing without addressing the status of the Palestinians in Lebanon. © 2010 by the Institute for Palestine Studies. All rights reserved.Agamben G, 1998, HOMOSACER SOVEREIGN; *AMN INT, 2008, LEB AMN INT REP 2008; *GOV LEB, 2008, COMM CHALL SHAR RESP, P11; HANAFI S, 2010, MANIFESTATIONS IDENT; *INT CRIS GROUP, 2009, 84 INT CRIS GROUP; ROUGIER B, 2008, QUEST CE QUE SALAFIS, P18721
Explaining spacio-cide in the Palestinian territory: Colonization, separation, and state of exception
Full text linkThis article argues that the Israeli colonial project is 'spacio-cidal' (as opposed to genocidal) in that it targets land for the purpose of rendering inevitable the 'voluntary' transfer of the Palestinian population primarily by targeting the space upon which the Palestinian people live. The spacio-cide is a deliberate ideology with unified rational, albeit dynamic process because it is in constant interaction with the emerging context and the actions of the Palestinian resistance. By describing and questioning different aspects of the military-judicial-civil apparatuses, this article examines how the realization of the spacio-cidal project becomes possible through a regime that deploys three principles, namely: the principle of colonization, the principle of separation, and the state of exception that mediates between these two seemingly contradictory principles. © The Author(s) 2012.Abu-Saba C, 2009, POWER INCLUSIVE EXCL, P413; Agamben G, 1998, HOMOSACER SOVEREIGN; Ajzenstadt M, 2008, 1 ISA FORUM SOCIOLOG; Arendt Hannah, 1985, ORIGINS TOTALITARIAN; Azoulay Ariella, 2008, REGIME WHICH IS NOT; Bogdanovic B, 1993, NEW YORK REV BOOKS, VXL; Coward M, 2007, THEORY EVENT, V10, P234; Dayan H, 2009, POWER INCLUSIVE EXCL, P281; Farsakh L, 2009, POWER INCLUSIVE EXCL, P379; Foucault M., 1995, DISCIPLINE PUNISH BI; Funk M, 2010, VICTIMS RIGHTS ADVOC; Gordon N, 2009, POWER INCLUSIVE EXCL, P239; Graham Stephen, 2004, CITY, V8, P165, DOI 10.1080-1360481042000242148; Haggerty K.D., 2006, NEW POLITICS SURVEIL; Hanafi Sari, 2009, CONT ARAB AFFAIRS, V2, P106; HEWITT K, 1983, ANN ASSOC AM GEOGR, V73, P257, DOI 10.1111-j.1467-8306.1983.tb01412.x; Monterescu D, 2009, PUBLIC CULTURE, V21, P403, DOI 10.1215-08992363-2008-034; Ophir Adi, 2009, POWER INCLUSIVE EXCL, P15; Pandolfi M., 2002, ANTHR SOC, V26, P29, DOI 10.7202-000701ar; Pappe Ilan, 2006, ETHNIC CLEANSING PAL; Parizot C, 2001, THESIS EHESS PARIS; Peace Now, 2006, BREAK LAW W BANK PRI; Ran G, 2009, ISRAELI REGIME SEA R; ROY S, 1987, J PALESTINE STUD, V17, P56, DOI 10.1525-jps.1987.17.1.00p0144f; Shamir R, 2009, POWER INCLUSIVE EXCL, P587; Weizman Eyal, 2007, HOLLOW LAND ISRAELS; Yehouda Shenhav, 2009, POWER INCLUSIVE EXCL, P337; Yiftachel O, 2006, ETHNOCRACY: LAND AND IDENTITY POLITICS IN ISRAEL-PALESTINE, P121
Writing sociology in the Arab world: knowledge production through Idafat, The Arab Journal of Sociology
Full text linkThis article analyses the 18 issues of Idafat, The Arab Journal of Sociology, published from 2008 to 2012, including some specific variables (submission data, author nationality, article keywords, use of references). While all published materials are analysed, only 120 articles written by Arab authors are scrutinized. The objective is to unfold the way Arab sociologists produce knowledge in sociology. A special focus will be placed on the language of citations and references. This article argues that some institutional settings in addition to the economy of knowledge production make the balanced use of references in Arabic and foreign languages difficult. What are the resources upon which they rely? To answer to this question, the article presents the results of an online 27-question survey about the use of references by researchers who hold a master's or a PhD degree from any university in the Arab world or who have dealt with a topic related to the Arab world
No Bread, No Freedom, No Social Justice: How EU-Egyptian Human Rights Discourse Undermines Democracy
No full textUniversity systems in the Arab East: Publish globally and perish locally vs publish locally and perish globally
Full text linkThis article attempts to demonstrate how the university system and the system of social knowledge production greatly influence elite formation in the Arab East (in Egypt, Syria, the Palestinian territory, Jordan and Lebanon) by focusing on three intertwined factors: compartmentalization of scholarly activities, the demise of the university as a public sphere and the criteria for publication that count towards promotion. Universities have often produced compartmentalized elites inside each nation-state and they don’t communicate with one another: they are either elite that publish globally and perish locally or elite that publish locally and perish globally. The article pays special attention to elite universities.</jats:p
The marginalization of the Arab language in social science : structural constraints and dependency by choice
Full text linkThis article aims at questioning the relationship between Arab social research and language by arguing that many factors including the political economy of publication, globalization, internationalization and commodification of higher education have marginalized peripheral languages such as Arabic. The authors demonstrate, on the one hand, that this marginalization is not necessarily structurally inevitable but indicates dependency by choice, and, on the other hand, how globalization has reinforced the English language hegemony. This article uses the results of a questionnaire survey about the use of references in PhD and Master's theses. The survey, which was answered by 165 persons, targeted those who hold a Master's or PhD degree from any university in the Arab world or who have dealt with a topic related to the Arab world, no matter in which discipline
Going Beyond Counting First Authors in Author Co-citation Analysis
Full text linkThe present study examines one of the fundamental aspects of author co-citation analysis (ACA) - the way co-citation
counts are defined. Co-citation counting provides the data on which all subsequent statistical analyses and mappings
are based, and we compare ACA results based on two different types of co-citation counting - the traditional type that
only counts the first one among a cited work's authors on the one hand and a non-traditional type that takes into
account the first 5 authors of a cited work on the other hand. Results indicate that the picture produced through this non-traditional author co-citation counting contains more coherent author groups and is therefore considerably clearer. However, this picture represents fewer specialties in the research field being studied than that produced through the traditional first-author co-citation counting when the same number of top-ranked authors is selected and analyzed. Reasons for these effects are discussed
Civil society in North-South relations. The case of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership. A view from South
No full textThis article aims to review some responses to human rights issues in the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership from a Southern perspective. The term Southern actors in this article refers mainly to actors within the Arab sphere, while Northern actors refers to European ones. This definition of terms is used to accentuate the problem of the power relations between these actors, a problem which influences to greater or lesser extents the relationship and partnership between Northern and Southern NGOs. One notices many contradictions raised during the implementation of this agenda and questions easily arise about the relevancy of NGOs in shaping this process, especially where human rights issues are concerned. An anthropological approach was adopted not merely to the agenda's wording, but to focus on one critical issue, the position of Europe towards Israel's colonial policy and its violation of human rights. We will see also that in spite of the power structure issue, the Southern actors are not passive, that they resist certain conceptions and that this partnership has had unintended effects. Many questions will be raised: to what extent does the institutionalisation of civil society carry the source of its own empowerment while also risking a certain degree of instrumentalization? Do the Northern actors dominate in this partnership, and if so, how are the Southern actors capable of transgressing this domination
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