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Provisions of foreign policy of Lithuanian political parties in the years 1918-1919: orientation towards Great Britain.
The Social Democrat V. Čepinskis and Christian Democrat K. Bizauskas returned to the idea of protectorate of Great Britain expressed in the sessions of the Government. Their enterprise was taken by the government which hoped that the British custody will serve as a protection from the threat of White Russians, Bolsheviks, Germans, Polish, furthermore, it will help to develop economic cooperation from London to Moscow. It is assumed that V. Čepinskis hasn't even attempted to realize the pronouncement of the Government owing to the British refusal to provide the financial support. The discussion on Great Britain protectorate revealed that the party elite, which was on the level of learning political alphabet, had difficulties perceiving profound traditions and principles of London diplomacy. The British didn't want to abandon their choice of freedom and commit to the Baltic States. It was expressed in the pronouncement of September 1919 and declared that the Baltic States have to solve the issues of peace with Soviet Russia by themselves. The statements of the Lithuanian party elite demonstrated that the orientation towards Great Britain was also based on ideological values. In as much as the British custody and connection of tight international relations were accepted both by Right and Left parties. Considering Right parties that were founded on the principles of statehood based on ethnic nationalism as well as Left parties that declared the vision of civil society based on equality. De facto recognition of Lithuania by Great Britain in September 1919, efforts of London to regulate the conflict between Warsaw and Kaunas proved that party leaders of Lithuania have chosen the most optimal direction of foreign policy in the international situation at that time
Nauja XIV–XVI amžiaus Lietuvos Didžiosios Kunigaikštystės sienų interpretacija
Apie Tomo Čelkio daktaro disertaciją „Valdžia ir erdvė: Lietuvos Didžiosios kunigaikštystės teritorializacijos procesas XIV–XVI a.“ ir jos gynim
Foreign policy concepts of lithuanian political parties in 1920-1926.
Most influential Lithuanian political parties: Christian Democrats, Party of the People’s Socialists, Social Democratic Party and Nationalist Party played important role in the formation of Lithuanian foreign policy guidelines during the period of parliamentary government in Lithuania. Nevertheless in historiography the role of them usually was ignored and the main focus was on the Government’s foreign policy conception. In our work: “The Foreign Policy Attitudes of Lithuanian Political Parties in 1920 – 1926” we had tried to analyze the foreign policy programs of most influential parties and to identify their impact on Governmental foreign policy concept. Political parties and their leaders had to solve complicated territorial issues that inflamed international status of Lithuania. The dispute of Vilnius imposed an intolerable burden on young state, which threatened to cloud relations with its more powerful neighbors. Although Lithuanian society looked to Poland as to the worst enemy of the nation, the long sighted leaders of Christian Democrats and People’s Socialists through the mediation of Great Western Powers tried to solve territorial conflict with southern neighbor and retain historic capital of the country by peaceful measures. But both states have had to reconcile so called project of Hymans mainly because of resistance of Nationalist and Social Democratic parties, was rejected. The savage publicity campaign pointed against projects of Hymans demonstrated the lack of civic self – awareness and political consolidation in young society. After the Conference of Ambassadors in 1923 defined the new demarcation line between Lithuania and Poland, which meant the official recognition of Vilnius to Poland, Lithuanian political leaders started to distrust in Great Western Powers and to search new alternative ways how to reanimate and internationalize the Vilnius question. First party, which started to promote alliance with revisionist axis of Moscow and Berlin, was Lithuanian National Alliance. They leaders looked to these states as to best confederates against common enemy – Poland. They also thought, that Poland wouldn’t sustain a siege of Soviets and Germans for a long time and when it brake down, Moscow and Berlin would return historic capital to weak, but loyal ally. This geopolitical concept became more and more popular in Lithuanian political circles. On the eve of 1925 People’s Socialists leader M. Sleževičius also started to spoke about necessity to contract closer relations with Soviet Union and Germany. The Lithuanian Social Democratic Party from early 1920’s kept prosovietic political line which was heavily influenced Marxist doctrine and by negative party attitudes towards Western Powers. Finally, after the Locarno Conference and Christian democrats under the leadership L. Bistras developed new political program which oriented Lithuanian foreign policy to close with Moscow and Berlin. Under these circumstances in the first part of 1926 all Lithuanian political parties hold prosovietic and progerman political orientation. But after the unsuccessful negotiations with the Soviets for concluding the bilateral non – aggression pact Christian democrats on the contrary to other parties argued against closer relations with Germany and Soviet Union
Pirmasis Didžiosios Britanijos diplomatijos atstovo apsilankymas Lietuvoje ir keletas įžvalgų apie lietuvių ir vokiečių santykius (1919 m. gegužė)
Reikšminiai žodžiai: Lietuvių - vokiečių santykiai; Herbertas Grantas Watsonas; Didžiosios Britanijos diplomatai; Relations between Lithuanians and Germans; Herbert Grant Watson; Diplomats of Great Britai
Provisions of foreign policy of Lithuanian political parties in the years 1918-1919: orientation towards Great Britain
Straipsnyje siekiama išanalizuoti Lietuvos politinių partijų nuostatas dėl Didžiosios Britanijos 1918–1919 m. ir nustatyti, kokie geopolitiniai, ekonominiai, ideologiniai veiksniai skatino lietuvius paramos valstybės atkūrimo programai ieškoti šioje didžiojoje Vakarų valstybėje. Tyrimo chronologinė riba – 1918 m. lapkritis, kai pasibaigus karui Lietuvai atsivėrė perspektyva išsivaduoti iš griežtai apribotos Vokietijos geopolitinės erdvės, formuoti savarankišką užsienio politiką ir įgyti tarptautinės bendruomenės pripažinimą. Įgyvendinti šiuos uždavinius ėmėsi pirmoji Augustino Voldemaro vadovaujama Lietuvos vyriausybė. Pasibaigus Pirmajam pasauliniam karui, Nepriklausomybę paskelbusios Lietuvos projektuojamos ilgalaikės užsienio politikos strategijos šerdimi pasirinkta orientacija į Didžiąją Britaniją. Diskusijos dėl Didžiosios Britanijos protektorato atskleidė, jog užsienio politikos abėcėlės besimokančiam Lietuvos partiniam elitui buvo nelengva perprasti pamatinius gilias tradicijas turinčios Londono diplomatijos principus. Lietuvos partinio elito atstovų pareiškimai rodė, kad orientacija į Didžiąją Britaniją buvo grindžiama ir ideologinėmis vertybėmis. Didžiosios Britanijos 1919 m. rugsėjį Lietuvos vyriausybei suteiktas pripažinimas de facto, Londono pastangos sureguliuoti konfliktiškus Varšuvos ir Kauno santykius rodė, kad metų pradžioje lietuvių partiniai lyderiai pasirinko optimaliausią tuometinėje tarptautinėje situacijoje užsienio politikos kursą. Reikšminiai žodžiai: Didžioji Britanija (Great Britain); Orientacija; Pirmoji Lietuvos Respublika; Politinės partijos; Užsienio politika; Foreign policy; Great Britain; Lithuania; Orientation; Political parties; The First Lithuanian Republic; The United Kingdom; The political partiesThe paper aims to analyse the provisions of Lithuanian political parties regarding Great Britain in 1918–1919 and to identify geopolitical, economic and ideological factors that encouraged Lithuanians to seek assistance for the programme of re-establishment of the state in this large Western state. The chronological limit of the research is November 1918, when, the war being over, a perspective opened up for Lithuania to liberate from the strictly limited geopolitical space of Germany, form independent foreign policy and acquire recognition of international community. The first Lithuanian Government, led by Augustinas Voldemaras, undertook to implement these objectives. After World War I was over, the orientation to Great Britain was selected as the focus of the long-term foreign policy strategy drafted by Lithuania that declared independence. Discussions over protectorate of Great Britain revealed that the Lithuanian party elite who were in the process of learning the ABC of foreign policy found it not easy to grasp the underlying principles of London’s diplomacy that had old traditions. The declarations of the representatives of the Lithuanian party elite showed that orientation to Great Britain was based on ideological values. De facto recognition of the Lithuanian Government from Great Britain in September 1919, London’s efforts to regulate the conflict relations between Warsaw and Kaunas showed that at the beginning of the year Lithuanian party leaders chose the optimal course of foreign policy with regard to the then international situation
GEOPOLITINĖS REALIJOS PARYŽIAUS IR KAUNO SANTYKIUOSE TARPUKARIU
Apie Vilmos Bukaitės daktaro disertaciją „Lietuvos Respublikos politiniai ir diplomatiniai santykiai su Prancūzija 1919–1940 m.“ ir jos gynim
The position of Lithuanian parties towards Poland in 1920-1926: from modus vivendi to permanent confrontation.
The political parties' goal to use the problem of relationship with Poland in the fight and in such a way obtain as great support from society as possible, reduced the possibilities to solve interstate conflict to even higher extent. As Copenhagen negotiations in 1925 autumn illustrated, Christian Democrats' attempt to reduce the tension between two small countries by starting economic relations of narrow nature was accepted with strong hostility by opposing Union of Peasants and National Unit Parties as well as by the majority of society supporting them. However the attitude of Christian Democrats that it is possible to launch economic relationships with Poland and Social Democrats' belief that it is even crucial to do that which were regarded as a first step in resuming Vilnius in fact reflected that the leaders of the parties had enough rational reasoning as well as mature attitude to international relations. Unsuccessful attempts to regulate the conflict with Poland in a pacific way and to regain the historical capital made the leaders of state's political parties choose the state of permanent confrontation with Poland and to seek support in order to ensure safe existence of the state in the Soviet Union and Germany
Position of Lithuanian parties towards Poland in 1920–1926: from modus vivendi to permanent confrontation
Lenkijos ir Lietuvos valstybių atkūrimo programų susikirtimas, 1919 m. sukėlęs teritorinį abiejų valstybių konfliktą, komplikavo Lietuvos tarptautinę padėtį ir smarkiai iškreipė natūralią šalies užsienio politikos raidą. Nepaisydami visuomenėje įsitvirtinusio priešiškumo Lenkijai, didžiausiu pavojumi valstybės nepriklausomybei laikę Sovietų Rusiją ir Vokietiją šalies politinių partijų lyderiai aktyviai ieškojo taikių istorinės valstybės sostinės sugrąžinimo ir draugiškų tarpvalstybinių Lietuvos ir Lenkijos santykių užmezgimo būdų. Lenkijai ir Lietuvai tinkamą modus vivendi tarpininkaujant Tautų Sąjungai ir didžiosioms Vakarų valstybėms 1921 m. bandė surasti valdančiųjų krikščionių demokratų ir valstiečių liaudininkų partijų lyderiai. Jie palankiai žiūrėjo į antrąjį Hymanso projekto variantą, nors priimti jį sutiko tik Tautų Sąjungai atsižvelgus į Lietuvos vyriausybės kontrpasiūlymus, mažinančius Lenkijos įtaką būsimos bendros šalies vidaus gyvenime. Tautininkų ir socialdemokratų prieš Hymanso projektus nukreipta propagandinė kampanija šalyje sukėlė visuotinę įtampą ir sutrukdė šiuos ketinimus įgyvendinti. Politinių partijų siekis santykių su Lenkiją problemą išnaudoti tarpusavio kovai dar labiau sumažino tarpvalstybinio konflikto išsprendimo galimybes. Nesėkmingos pastangos taikiai sureguliuoti konfliktą su Lenkija ir susigrąžinti istorinę sostinę privertė šalies politinių partijų lyderius pasirinkti nuolatinės konfrontacijos su Lenkija būseną, o atramos siekiant užtikrinti saugią valstybės egzistenciją ieškoti Sovietų Sąjungoje ir Vokietijoje. Reikšminiai žodžiai: Lietuvos ir Lenkijos konfliktas - Vilnius - Lietuvos politinės partijos - Hymanso projektai - Kopenhagos derybos; Conflict Lithuanian with Poland - Vilnius - Lithuanian political parties - Hymans projects - Copenhagen negotiationsThe collision of programs of resurrection of the states of Poland and Lithuania, which in 1919 resulted in a territorial conflict between the two countries, complicated the international situation of Lithuania and significantly distorted the natural development of the country’s foreign politics. Despite the antagonism towards Poles, which had entrenched itself within the society, Lithuanians considered the Soviet Russia and Germany the greatest dangers to the country’s independence. The country’s political party leaders actively sought for peaceful regaining of the historical capital of the state and ways for starting friendly relations with Poland. In 1921 the leaders of Christian Democrat and the Farmers and People’s parties, which were in power at the time, attempted to find a modus vivendi, suitable for both Lithuania and Poland, with participation by the League of Nations and Western world powers. They had a favourable attitude towards the second variant of the Hymans project, although they agreed to accept it only after the League of Nations took into consideration the contra-proposals of the Government of Lithuania, which reduced Poland’s influence in the internal life of the future common state. The propaganda campaign, directed by the Nationalists and Social Democrats against the Hymans projects resulted in general tension in the country and the intensions were not implemented. The strivings of political parties to use the problem of relations with Poland for fights between parties reduced the possibilities of resolution of the conflict between the two states. The unsuccessful attempts to regulate the conflict and regain the capital forced the political party leaders to chose the state of permanent confrontation with Poland and seek for support in the Soviet Union and Germany in order to ensure the safe existence of the state
Going Beyond Counting First Authors in Author Co-citation Analysis
The present study examines one of the fundamental aspects of author co-citation analysis (ACA) - the way co-citation
counts are defined. Co-citation counting provides the data on which all subsequent statistical analyses and mappings
are based, and we compare ACA results based on two different types of co-citation counting - the traditional type that
only counts the first one among a cited work's authors on the one hand and a non-traditional type that takes into
account the first 5 authors of a cited work on the other hand. Results indicate that the picture produced through this non-traditional author co-citation counting contains more coherent author groups and is therefore considerably clearer. However, this picture represents fewer specialties in the research field being studied than that produced through the traditional first-author co-citation counting when the same number of top-ranked authors is selected and analyzed. Reasons for these effects are discussed
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