1,721,040 research outputs found
Going Beyond Counting First Authors in Author Co-citation Analysis
Full text linkThe present study examines one of the fundamental aspects of author co-citation analysis (ACA) - the way co-citation
counts are defined. Co-citation counting provides the data on which all subsequent statistical analyses and mappings
are based, and we compare ACA results based on two different types of co-citation counting - the traditional type that
only counts the first one among a cited work's authors on the one hand and a non-traditional type that takes into
account the first 5 authors of a cited work on the other hand. Results indicate that the picture produced through this non-traditional author co-citation counting contains more coherent author groups and is therefore considerably clearer. However, this picture represents fewer specialties in the research field being studied than that produced through the traditional first-author co-citation counting when the same number of top-ranked authors is selected and analyzed. Reasons for these effects are discussed
Guilty Bystanders
No full textThere is a part of Martin Luther King, Jr.'s Letter from Birmingham Jail that always catches me up short, and which I now think of as at the heart of the essay: not King's civil disobedience, not his claim that an unjust law is not a law, but his anger at the character he termed the "white moderate."' It was bad, King said, when the public called him and his allies "niggers" and when the police hosed them down in the street. But what really pained King was that so many well-meaning whites stood by and did nothing. In fact, it was to these people that King was really addressing his letter. I remembered this part of King's letter again when reflecting on the AutoAdmit controversy-another controversy not without its share of racial epithets. I was pretty much a bystander to the whole thing. I wasn't the target of any vicious postings; I wasn't threatened, not personally, nor was my race or gender targeted. I didn't post anything on autoadmit.com myself (vicious, virtuous, or otherwise). Indeed, I hadn't really heard of AutoAdmit before the controversy erupted. For most of the drama, then-from the initial outrage, to the e-mail discussions and the meetings (none of which I attended) and then to the various scattered but coordinated responses-I was off to the side and off the stage, neither a victim nor an author of the threats. I felt happy playing that role, happy to let things pass me by
Guilty Bystanders
No full textThere is a part of Martin Luther King, Jr.\u27s Letter from Birmingham Jail that always catches me up short, and which I now think of as at the heart of the essay: not King\u27s civil disobedience, not his claim that an unjust law is not a law, but his anger at the character he termed the white moderate. \u27 It was bad, King said, when the public called him and his allies niggers and when the police hosed them down in the street. But what really pained King was that so many well-meaning whites stood by and did nothing. In fact, it was to these people that King was really addressing his letter. I remembered this part of King\u27s letter again when reflecting on the AutoAdmit controversy-another controversy not without its share of racial epithets. I was pretty much a bystander to the whole thing. I wasn\u27t the target of any vicious postings; I wasn\u27t threatened, not personally, nor was my race or gender targeted. I didn\u27t post anything on autoadmit.com myself (vicious, virtuous, or otherwise). Indeed, I hadn\u27t really heard of AutoAdmit before the controversy erupted. For most of the drama, then-from the initial outrage, to the e-mail discussions and the meetings (none of which I attended) and then to the various scattered but coordinated responses-I was off to the side and off the stage, neither a victim nor an author of the threats. I felt happy playing that role, happy to let things pass me by
Variations on the Author
Full text link“Variations on the Author” discusses two of Eduardo Coutinho’s recent films (Um Dia na Vida, from 2010, and Últimas Conversas, posthumously released in 2015) and their contribution to the general question of documentary authorship. The director’s filmography is characterized by a consistent yet self-effacing form of authorial self-inscription: Coutinho often features as an interviewer that rather than express opinions propels discourses; an interviewer that is good at listening. This mode of self-inscription characterizes him as an author who is not expressive but who is nonetheless markedly present on the screen. In Um Dia na Vida, however, Coutinho is completely absent form the image, while Últimas Conversas, on the contrary, includes a confessional prologue that moves the director from the margins to the center of his films. This article examines the ways in which these works stand out in the filmography of a director who offers new insights into the notion of cinematic authorship
Appropriate Similarity Measures for Author Cocitation Analysis
Full text linkWe provide a number of new insights into the methodological discussion about author cocitation analysis. We first argue that the use of the Pearson correlation for measuring the similarity between authors’ cocitation profiles is not very satisfactory. We then discuss what kind of similarity measures may be used as an alternative to the Pearson correlation. We consider three similarity measures in particular. One is the well-known cosine. The other two similarity measures have not been used before in the bibliometric literature. Finally, we show by means of an example that our findings have a high practical relevance.information science;Pearson correlation;cosine;similarity measure;author cocitation analysis
Deliberative Dilemmas: A Critique of Deliberation Day from the Perspective of Election Law
Full text linkMy Essay tries to show the ways in which deliberative democrats and election law theorists need each other. I do so by examining in detail one proposed reform of American democracy along deliberative lines, offered by Bruce Ackerman and James Fishkin in their book Deliberation Day. The focus here is partial, but not, I think unwarranted. Ackerman and Fishkin’s book represents a bold and rigorously formulated effort to make voting more reflective, and citizens more engaged in voting. However, in the course of their proposals, they miss how key elements of the structure of American election law threaten to make “deliberation day” into less of an arena for wide-ranging democratic deliberation than it could be and to introduce deliberation into areas where we might prefer that it not be
The Supreme Court and the Rehabilitative Ideal
Full text linkGraham v. Florida was a watershed decision, not least because of the centrality of the so-called “rehabilitativeideal” to its holding that life in prison for juveniles convicted of nonhomicide crimes was cruel and unusual. The Court’s emphasis on rehabilitation was surprising both in terms of the Court’s previous decisions on punishment, in which rehabilitation was barely included as a “purpose of punishment,” but also in terms of the history of academic and legislative skepticism if not hostility toward the idea of rehabilitation (which includes two recently decided sentencing cases, Tapia and Pepper). Courts and commentators have struggled to make sense of both the meaning and the scope of Graham’s rehabilitative holding. Their struggle is one about defining how (and whether) rehabilitation should play any substantial role in sentencing.
My essay places Graham in the context of the recent history of rehabilitation, and views its attempt to “rehabilitate” rehabilitation in light of that history. The rehabilitative ideal encompasses not just one model, but three: the mostly discredited model of rehabilitation as treatment, a more modest model of rehabilitation as training, and an older model of rehabilitation as reform. Both the language and the result of Graham show it to be squarely in the tradition of the third model, where rehabilitation is not something the state provides, but something the offender is supposed to undergo, through a process of reflection, remorse, and atonement. Rehabilitation as reform is notable because it is compatible with a suspicion that prison in general is a bad place for rehabilitation and that it is unlikely that the state can do anything to positively aid the offender in reforming. At best, the state must get out of the way. Whether we want to extend Graham or reject it depends on whether we find its ideal of rehabilitation as reform appealing
Election Law Behind a Veil of Ignorance
Full text linkElection law struggles with the question of neutrality, not only with its possibility—can election rules truly be neutral between parties?—but also with its definition. What does it mean for election laws to be ―neutral‖? This Article examines one form of election law neutrality, found in what it terms ―veil of ignorance rules.‖ Such rules are formed in circumstances where neither party knows which rule will benefit its candidates in future elections. This Article considers the existence of veil of ignorance rules in two recent election law controversies: the rule that write-in ballots must be spelled correctly (in the Lisa Murkowski Senate race in Alaska), and the rule that a candidate must be a ―resident‖ of the city in which he plans to run for mayor (Rahm Emanuel‘s candidacy for Mayor of Chicago). Both rules can plausibly lay claim to being formed in conditions where neither party could know, ex ante, which rule would benefit its own candidates. Veil of ignorance rules are interesting in their own right, but they also suggest a possible modification in what Professor Rick Hasen has recently dubbed ―the democracy canon.‖ The canon suggests that ambiguous election law rules should be read in a way that maximizes voter enfranchisement and voter choice. But if there are some rules that are neutral, because formed behind a veil of ignorance, they may deserve a type of deference not due to rules that were formed with an eye toward partisan advantage—even if those rules serve to limit voter participation. Moreover, to the extent that the rules in the Murkowski and Emmanuel cases were neutral, upsetting them means upsetting a prior, legitimate, democratic decision. Voter participation and voter choice (that is, popular democracy) are not the only hallmarks of democratic legitimacy. Legislative decisions can also be democratic. The democracy canon only upholds one conception of democratic legitimacy. It is not, I conclude, the only one that can or should guide us in deciding close election law cases
Guilty Bystanders
Full text linkThere is a part o f Martin Luther King, Jr. \u27s Letter from Birmingham Jail that always catches me up short, and which I now think o f as at the heart o f the essay: not King\u27s civil disobedience, not his claim that an unjust law is not a law, but his anger at the character he termed the white moderate. 1 It was bad, King said, when the public called him and his allies niggers and when the police hosed them down in the street. But what really pained King was that so many well-meaning whites stood by and did nothing. In fact, it was to these people that King was really addressing his letter.
I remembered this part o f King\u27s letter again when reflecting on the AutoAdmit controversy-another controversy not without its share o f racial epithets. I was pretty much a bystander to the whole thing. I wasn\u27t the target o f any vicious postings; I wasn\u27t threatened, not personally, nor was my race or gender targeted. I didn\u27t post anything on autoadmit.com myself (vicious, virtuous, or otherwise). Indeed, I hadn\u27t really heard o f AutoAdmit before the controversy erupted.
For most o f the drama, then-from the initial outrage, to the e-mail discussions and the meetings (none o f which I attended) and then to the various scattered but coordinated responses-I was off to the side and off the stage, neither a victim nor an author o f the threats. I felt happy playing that role, happy to let things pass me by.
But then I thought again about the white moderate. And I saw how the white moderate played a role in the civil rights movement akin to the role I played in the AutoAdmit controversy. They were bystanders, and so am I. The situations are not exactly the same, but the parallels are sobering: Had I been in that generation I might have been a white moderate, and I might today be a white moderate o f a different, but related, sort
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