261 research outputs found
Profit from science: solving business problems using data, math, and the scientific process
No full textIn Profit From Science, author George Danner presents solutions to the big problems that modern business face-solutions that are grounded in logic and empiricism. This book instructs business leaders in how to add the discipline and technical precision of the scientific method to their strategic planning and decision making
How I Got into This: Toward a Social History of the Guitar in America
No full textAn introduction to a series of five articles by Peter Danner on the history of the guitar in the United States from the late eighteenth to the early twentieth century. Written between 1977 and 1994, these articles first appeared in early issues of the GFA’s magazine Soundboard. They are reprinted here in tribute to Danner’s pioneering contribution to guitar research and to bring them to the attention of a new generation of scholars. The author has generously provided this newly written introduction to the series
The Guitar in Nineteenth-Century America: A Lost Social Tradition
No full textThis article is one of a series of five by Peter Danner on the history of the guitar in the United States from the late eighteenth to the early twentieth century. Written between 1977 and 1994, these articles first appeared in early issues of the GFA’s magazine Soundboard. They are reprinted here in tribute to Danner’s pioneering contribution to guitar research and to bring them to the attention of a new generation of scholars. The author has generously provided a newly written introduction to the series
Re-orienting from without: Burkean notions of 9/11 & the rhetoric of dissent
No full textKenneth Burke’s theory of orientations, grounded most thoroughly in Permanence and Change, posits that each of us is trained by the rhetorical stimuli of our environment and subject to be conditioned to a dominant ideological orientation. And on September 11th, 2001, the dominant orientation toward the 9/11 attacks—our way of looking at that reality—was fully constructed within hours of the collapse. The rapidity with which this rhetorical construction occurred was enough to have Robert Ivie declare that the Bush speeches had left “[n]o space for critical thinking” (227). However, according to Burke, the orientation must have had “space for critical thinking” and contestation, as all orientations are subject to ideological correctives. The attempted correctives to the 9/11 orientation, the counter-rhetorics intended to correct the way we viewed that reality, revealed the precise rhetorical performance of orientation-correction, including the navigation of the orientation’s “piety,” “the sense of what properly goes with what” (Permanence and Change 74). The dominant orientation toward 9/11, far from being a rhetorical blockade with little space for contestation, was a site for discovering the interaction between Burkean piety and “the ‘stealing back and forth’ of symbols” (Attitudes Toward History 103). As dissenting rhetors infiltrated the orientation, stole one or more of the component symbols, and attempted to reconfigure them in a way that read more truthfully, they triggered a rhetorical domino effect predetermined by the orientation’s pious configuration. As each piece of the dominant orientation was altered symbolically according to the corrective, this rhetorical action subsequently destabilized others that the initial component was connected to, rendering the corrective too impious.M.A.Includes bibliographical referencesby Patrick Danne
Jürgen Habermas: délibération et démocratie [Jürgen Habermas: deliberation and democracy]
No full textDans cet article, j’analyse les idées principales de la théorie de la démocratie délibérative de Jürgen Habermas. Le philosophe allemand développe une conception procédurale et discursive de la légitimité démocratique selon lequel une décision est légitime et juste seulement dans la mesure où elle est fondée sur des raisons publiques résultant d'un processus de délibération inclusive et équitable, à laquelle tous les les citoyens peuvent participer et dans lequel ils sont en condition de coopérer librement. Cette conception de la démocratie est présenté comme une alternative aux conceptions républicaines traditionnelles de la démocratie, qui postulent un intérêt général transcendant de représentants élus par rapport aux points de vue des citoyens ordinaires, et les conceptions libérales, qui construisent cumulativement l'intérêt général comme simple addition ou négociation entre les différents intérêts. Notre thèse principale est que la légitimité démocratique dépend d'un processus de formation de la volonté (non pas d’une volonté pré-formé, c’est à dire anterieur à le débat public).[In this paper, I analyze the main ideias of the Jürgen Habermas’ deliberative theory of democracy. The german philosopher develops a procedural and discursive notion of democratic legitimity according to which the decision is legitimate and therefore correct only in the moment that it is grounded on public reasons which are resulting of an inclusive and fair procedure of deliberation, to which all citizens can participante and in which they cooperate freely. Such notion of democracy appears as an alternative to traditional republican notions of democracy which postulate a general interest of the elects ones regarding to the interests of the common citizens, as an alternative to the liberal notions of democracy which construct in a cumulative way the general interest as a simple addition or negotiation among different particular interests. Our main argument is that democratic legitimity depends of a formative process of the will (and not of the pre-formed wills which are previous to the public debate.
Vida, poder, política: Foucault e a questão do liberalismo
No full texto problema do liberalismo e de suas condições de emergência surgiram, no pensamento de Foucault, no curso Nascimento da Biopolítica, ministrado nos anos de 1978 e 1979. Neste curso, Foucault demonstra que o liberalismo não deve ser entendido fundamentalmente não como uma teoria econômica ou jurídica, nem como uma ideologia, mas como uma racionalidade política, como uma prática refletida de governo. É no contexto do liberalismo que a biopolítica adquire toda sua especificidade. A preocupação dos Estados com a gestão da população obedece à intenção de consolidar a economia capitalista: a emergência de um Estado gestor e normalizador, a partir de fins do século XVIII, deve ser entendida como um momento no qual a racionalidade econômica, tal qual concebida pelo liberalismo, passa a determinar o âmbito político, a dinâmica social e os fenômenos próprios das populações (criminalidade, sexualidade, natalidade, educação etc.)
Um mundo sem mediações: descolonização africana como teoria política da modernização periférica
No full textWe will use the Fanon’s concept of society without mediations, based on structural racism, to explain the regressive tendency proper to societies of peripheric modernization, especially Brazil. From a criticism to Gilberto Freyre and Florestan Fernandes, who both assume a notion of ne-cessitarian sociological objectivism with an apolitical-depoliticized character in order to under-stand the development and the contradictions of current Brazilian society (Freyre’s sadism-masochism; Fernandes’ idea of Black incapability to protestant ethics due to slavery), both re-fusing structural racism and racial whitening, we will point exactly to (a) the systemic evolution as a White’s or colonizer’s intentioned and planified political project over the Black/colonized, which is, according us, the effective practical core and role of the formation and development of the colonial society; (b) the inexistence or the fragility of juridical, institutional and normative mediations between these divided and ossified realities of race (Whites over/against Blacks); (c) the direct violence and the permanent regression as the structural tendencies of the constitution and development of a society of peripheric and racialized modernization, including here the eras-ing and falsification of colonial history; and, finally, (d) the intrinsic correlation, once denied by Freyre and Fernandes, and on the contrary affirmed by Fanon, of race and class, race as class, class as race.Utilizaremos o conceito de sociedade sem mediações, calcada no racismo estrutural, tal como proposto por Frantz Fanon, para explicar a tendência regressiva própria às sociedades de modernização periférica, mormente o Brasil. A partir de uma crítica a Gilberto Freyre e a Florestan Fernandes, os quais assumem uma noção de objetivismo sociológico necessitarista com caráter apolítico-despolitizado para explicar o desenvolvimento e as contradições da sociedade brasileira hodierna (o sadismo-masoquismo de Freyre; a incapacidade negra para a ética protestante do trabalho, por causa do escravismo), recusando, ambos, seja o racismo estrutural, seja o branqueamento racial, apontaremos exatamente para (a) a evolução sistêmica como um projeto político intencionado e planificado do branco/colonizador sobre o negro/colonizado enquanto o efetivo mote e dinâmica práticos da formação e do desenvolvimento da sociedade colonial; (b) a inexistência ou a fragilidade das mediações jurídicas, institucionais e normativas entre essas realidades compartimentadas e estanques da raça (branco sobre o – e contra o – negro); (c) a violência direta e a regressão permanente como as tendências estruturais da constituição e do desenvolvimento de uma sociedade de modernização periférica e racializada, inclusive com o apagamento e a falsificação da história colonial; e, finalmente, (d) a correlação intrínseca, mais uma vez negada por Freyre e Fernandes e, ao contrário, afirmada por Fanon, de raça e classe, raça como classe, classe como raça.
Predictive model to estimate ionized calcium from routine serum biochemical profiles in dogs
No full textIonized calcium is the gold standard to assess calcium status in dogs, but measurement is not readily available in private veterinary practices.
The objectives of this study were to (1) predict ionized calcium concentration from serum biochemical values and (2) compare the diagnostic performance of predicted ionized calcium (piCa) to those of total calcium (tCa) and two corrected tCa formulae; and (3) study the relationship between biochemical values and variation of measured ionized calcium (miCa).
This was a cross-sectional study. Records from 1,200 dogs who were patients at the University of Illinois Veterinary Teaching Hospital were randomly selected from a population of 1,719 dogs with mical and biochemical profile performed within 24 hours for the creation of a multivariate adaptive regression splines (MARS) model, with the final model being determined by backward elimination. Accuract and diagnostic performance of piCal and its prediction interval (PI) were tested on 519 dogs via Bland-Altman analysis, Pearson’s R, and receiver operator characteristic (ROC) curves.
The final model included creatinine, albumin, tCa, phosphorus, sodium, potassium, chloride, alkaline phosphatase, triglycerides, and age, with tCa, albumin, and chloride having the highest impact on miCa variation. Predicted ionized calcium was better correlated to miCa than tCa and corrected tCa, and its overall diagnostic accuracy was significantly higher to diagnose hypocalcemia and improved for hypercalcemia. The average difference between the piCal and miCal was 0.002 +/- 0.080 mmol/L. The PI included miCal 94% of the time. For hypercalcemia, piCa was as sensitive (64%) but more specific (99.6%) than tCa and corrected tCa. For hypocalcemia, piCa was more sensitive (21.8%) than tCa, and more specific (98.4%) than corrected tCa formulae. Positive predictive values of piCa were high for both hypercalcemia (90%) and hypocalcemia (70.8%).
Predicted ionized calcium can be obtained from readily available biochemical and patient variables, and seems more useful than tCa and corrected tCa to approach calcium disorders in dogs when miCa is not available. A webpage has been designed for piCa calculation (http://vetmed.illinois.edu/study/mars-model/VetMed.php).Submission published under a 24 month embargo labeled 'U of I Access', the embargo will last until 2019-05-01The student, Julie Danner, accepted the attached license on 2017-04-10 at 17:13.The student, Julie Danner, submitted this Thesis for approval on 2017-04-10 at 17:20.This Thesis was approved for publication on 2017-04-12 at 10:10.DSpace SAF Submission Ingestion Package generated from Vireo submission #10693 on 2017-08-10 at 15:05:22Made available in DSpace on 2017-08-10T20:32:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2
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“Alguém tem de dizer aos negros a verdade”: Olavo de Carvalho sobre a contribui-ção negro-africana à cultura ocidental
No full textIn the paper, we will study Olavo de Carvalho’s thought, focusing on his position regarding Brazilian and American Black movement in its struggle for reparation in terms of colonialism-slavery-racism. We will argue that his refusal of any reparatory praxis to political-cultural minorities and his position of a non-place for Black-African traditions in the context of Western culture/civilization, as with respect to his defense of the inferiority of Black-African culture-civilization when compared to Jewish-Christian, Greek-Latin and Medieval-Renaissance tradition, is pervaded by a dualist metaphysics with a highly anti-modern and anti-modernizing character, in which the dynamic of streamlining of “human drama about universe and eternity” is constituted (a) by the struggle between natural necessity (Behemont) and individual consciousness (Leviathan), that can only be won by the correlation of divine grace given by Jesus Christ and personal direct and immediate interiorization and intuition by each individual with God; (b) by the refusal of politics, history and intersubjective action as basically materialism and, in this sense, as the sphere of totalitarian political ideologies (to which Enlightnment modernity is the biggest example); and, finally, (d) by the centrality of spiritualism, of intimate and direct relation between God and man, mediated by Revelation, which points to the non-existence, in the Olavo de Carvalho’ thought, of objective parameters to rational discussion, interaction and justification – that is the reason of his delegitimation of science, politics, history and macro-structural institutional action, and his appeal to methodological, intuitionist and spiritualist individualism.No artigo, estudaremos o pensamento filosófico de Olavo de Carvalho, especialmente no que concerne à sua posição frente ao movimento negro brasileiro e norte-americano em sua luta por reparação pelo colonialismo-escravismo-racismo. Argumentaremos que sua recusa de qualquer práxis reparatória para com as minorias político-culturais e sua posição de um não-lugar das tradições negro-africanas no contexto da cultura/civilização ocidental, incluindo-se sua defesa da inferioridade da cultura/civilização negro-africana quando comparada com a tradição judaico-cristã, greco-latina e medieval-renascentista, são fundadas por uma metafísica dualista com caráter altamente antimoderno e antimodernizante, em que a dinâmica específica que perpassa o “drama humano frente ao universo e à eternidade” se caracteriza (a) pela luta entre necessidade natural (Behemot) e consciência individual (Leviatã), a qual só pode ser vencida pela correlação de graça divina por Jesus Cristo e interiorização e intuição pessoais, diretas, imediatas e imediadas por parte de cada indivíduo para com Deus; (b) pela recusa da política, da história e da ação intersubjetiva, afirmadas como materialismo e, nesse sentido, como lugar das ideologias políticas totalitárias (do qual a modernidade iluminista é o maior exemplo); e, finalmente, (c) pela centralidade do espiritualismo, da relação íntima e direta entre Deus e homem, mediada pela Revelação, o que aponta para a inexistência, no pensamento de Olavo de Carvalho, de parâmetros objetivos de discussão, de interação e de justificação racionais – daí, inclusive, sua deslegitimação da ciência, da política, da história e da ação institucional macroestrutural, e seu apelo ao individualismo metodológico intuicionista-espiritualista
Political praxis, social analysis and western modernization: a theoretical-political route for critical social theory
No full textthis paper criticizes the emphasis placed by contemporary social theory and political philosophy on institutionalism as the basis for the understanding, legitimation and changing of institutions, or social systems, and society as a whole. The more impactful characteristic of institutionalism is its technical-logical structuring, based on an impartial, neutral and formal proceduralism that autonomizes social systems in relation to political praxis and social normativity, depoliticizing these social systems. Here, they are no longer depoliticized, but assume political centrality as the fundamental social subjects of the legitimation and evolution of institutions and society. The paper’s central argument is that it is necessary to re-politicize the institutions and the social subjects or social classes in order to ground and streamline a direct political praxis and the civil society’s social-political subjects as the basis for framing and legitimizing the current process of Western modernization. Recovering the politicity and the carnality of institutions, of social classes and of the evolution of society, is the fundamental task for a contemporary critical social theory that faces the strong institutionalism based on systemic theory. Such politicization is the unforgettable teaching of Karl Marx and Erich Fromm: the institutions have political content and political subjects, they are the result of social struggles for hegemony between opposed social classes which are political. Now, such politicity-carnality must be unveiled and used for an emancipatory democratic political praxis as the route for social analysis and political change, in opposition to the technical-logical understanding both of the institutions and of the social subjects.This paper criticizes the emphasis placed by contemporary social theory and political philosophy on institutionalism as the basis for the understanding, legitimation and changing of institutions, or social systems, and society as a whole. The more impactful characteristic of institutionalism is its technical-logical structuring, based on an impartial, neutral and formal proceduralism that autonomizes social systems in relation to political praxis and social normativity, depoliticizing these social systems. Here, they are no longer depoliticized, but assume political centrality as the fundamental social subjects of the legitimation and evolution of institutions and society. The paper’s central argument is that it is necessary to re-politicize the institutions and the social subjects or social classes in order to ground and streamline a direct political praxis and the civil society’s social-political subjects as the basis for framing and legitimizing the current process of Western modernization. Recovering the politicity and the carnality of institutions, of social classes and of the evolution of society, is the fundamental task for a contemporary critical social theory that faces the strong institutionalism based on systemic theory. Such politicization is the unforgettable teaching of Karl Marx and Erich Fromm: the institutions have political content and political subjects, they are the result of social struggles for hegemony between opposed social classes which are political. Now, such politicity-carnality must be unveiled and used for an emancipatory democratic political praxis as the route for social analysis and political change, in opposition to the technical-logical understanding both of the institutions and of the social subjects.This paper criticizes the emphasis placed by contemporary social theory and political philosophy on institutionalism as the basis for the understanding, legitimation and changing of institutions, or social systems, and society as a whole. The more impactful characteristic of institutionalism is its technical-logical structuring, based on an impartial, neutral and formal proceduralism that autonomizes social systems in relation to political praxis and social normativity, depoliticizing these social systems. Here, they are no longer depoliticized, but assume political centrality as the fundamental social subjects of the legitimation and evolution of institutions and society. The paper’s central argument is that it is necessary to re-politicize the institutions and the social subjects or social classes in order to ground and streamline a direct political praxis and the civil society’s social-political subjects as the basis for framing and legitimizing the current process of Western modernization. Recovering the politicity and the carnality of institutions, of social classes and of the evolution of society, is the fundamental task for a contemporary critical social theory that faces the strong institutionalism based on systemic theory. Such politicization is the unforgettable teaching of Karl Marx and Erich Fromm: the institutions have political content and political subjects, they are the result of social struggles for hegemony between opposed social classes which are political. Now, such politicity-carnality must be unveiled and used for an emancipatory democratic political praxis as the route for social analysis and political change, in opposition to the technical-logical understanding both of the institutions and of the social subjects
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