1,264 research outputs found

    Clidemo naturalista (FGrHist 323 F 31-36)

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    This paper focuses on six fragments dealing with naturalistic topics, that Aristotle and Theophrastus assign to Clidemus, without specifying whether he is the attidographer or a namesake of him. After a brief introduction (§ 1), the fragments are presented (§ 2): the first couple concerns thunderbolts and sense perception, the others deal with the botanical world. Afterwards, some clues about the issue of attribution are investigated (§ 3), and it is concluded that we should not exclude that the author can actually be the attidographer Clidemus, rather than someone with his same name (§ 4)

    La storia greca di età classica in Valerio Massimo (490-362)

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    The present paper aims at studying Valerius Maximus ’ presentation of Greek history between 490 and 362 an d it is divided into three paragraphs. The first deals with the period from the Persian to the Peloponnesian war, while the second with the ages of Spartan and Theban hegemony. The third paragraph presents the conclusions of the survey , focusing in particular on the chronological distribution of the episodes treated (1), on Valerius Maximus ’ interests (2), on his evaluations about the reported deeds and sayings (3) and on the much debated problem of his sources (4). The analysis of the considered pas sages is grouped around some thematic cores , mostly concerning characters con sidered emblematic; more rarely the attention is specifically focused on episodes that do not have a reference to single personalities. Moreover, it is evident that Valerius Maxim us chooses to present facts and protagonists not much with the aim of illustrating fundamental events in Greek history, but rather on account of their exemplarity, or rather their function of providing an example (positi ve or negative) related to the chapt er in which they are inserted. This is the reason why the same historical figure not infrequently appears under different chapters and is sometimes presented in a different light, with a favourable or unfavourable bias , depending on the context in which it is set (and, of course, on the source from which Valerius Maximus draws the exemplum ). The author, in fact, seems to produce stand - alone “ pills ” of history and his work seems to acquire sense not so mu ch in the horizon of an overall comparison be tween the Greek and Roman world , but rather in the message that each of the chapters and each of the exempla wants to communicate

    Baiton (BNJ 119)

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    Il lavoro fornisce una traduzione e un commento dei frammenti tramandati del bematista Betone (FGrHist/BNJ 119), corredati di bibliografia aggiornata. Su Betone non abbiamo alcuna notizia, se non che fu uno dei bematisti che accompagnò la spedizione di Alessandro in Asia. L’unico passo che collega con sicurezza il suo nome a un titolo per la sua opera è il primo frammento, secondo cui esso sarebbe stato "Tappe della marcia in Asia"; non è nota una suddivisione in libri dell’opera. Gli interessi che emergono dai frammenti sono quelli tipicamente bematisitici: località, itinerari, distanze; tuttavia, si trovano anche notizie etnografiche e curiosità di natura taumasiologica (F 4, 5). Proprio questo aspetto paradossografico sembra essere una componente dell’opera del bematista, anche se non sappiamo quantificarne l’importanza; esso, tuttavia sembra almeno in parte collidere con la veste asciutta e con la finalità scientifica e informativa del testo. Le aree geografiche che vengono trattate nei frammenti sono tutte di asiatiche, evidentemente perché ricalcano le tappe della spedizione di Alessandro: soprattutto il Caucaso, la Partia, l’Ariana e l’India. I trasmissori dei frammenti sicuri di Baiton sono, in ordine cronologico, Strabone (che tuttavia attinge a sua volta da Eratostene, il che consente di risalire fino al III sec. a.C.), Plinio il Vecchio e Ateneo. Per Eratostene non si può escludere una lettura diretta del testo di Betone, mentre per Plinio e Ateneo pare più cauto ipotizzare una conoscenza indiretta, tramite una fonte intermedia

    Tucidide di Melesia e il partito di opposizione a Pericle

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    1. The main source on the opposition of Thucydides the son of Melesias to Pericles is Plut. Per. XI 1-2, the reliability of which has often been doubted by scholars because of the distance between the author and the events: thus, a preliminary examination of this text, both in historiographical (§ 2) and historical (§ 3) terms, is required. 2. In the passages of his Lives in which refers about Thucydides, Plutarch uses fourth century sources (above all Theopompus, but perhaps Ephorus and philosophers too) and, directly or indirectly, fifth century ones (like Stesimbrotus, Ion, the comedy). Besides, as can be inferred from Per. XIII 16, Plutarch carefully analyzes his sources and their historical reliability. Therefore, the author seems well documented and there is no need to reject his report. 3. Many sources (Thuc. VI 13, 1; Aristoph. Eccl., 296-298; FGrHist 328 F 140; Demosth. XVIII 143) suggest that it wasn’t unusual for the Athenians to gather in groups of similar political orientation in the assembly: therefore, what Plutarch tells about Thucydides of Melesias is confirmed by analogous situations and cannot be easily rejected. 4. Political groups could variously influence an assembly meeting: by interruptions and heckling; swinging the votes of the uncertain; trying to manipulate the assessment of the outcome of a cheirotonia. 5. Thucydides’ opposition of to Pericles, between 451/50 or 450/49 (Kimon’s death) and 444 or 443 (Thucydides’s ostracism), can be reconstructed from a few allusions in the sources, such as Plut. Per. XI-XIV, especially about the building program of the Acropolis; evidence can be also be inferred from Per. XXIII 1 and from Anaxagoras’ trial after Thucydides’ return from his exile. 6. (1) Can Thucydides’ group be termed “party”? In effect, despite what most scholars sustain, the careful examination of the requisites of the use of the term “party” and their unbiased application to the direct democracy of classical Athens provide no cogent reason for rejecting the term. (2) Why Thucydides’ opposition to Pericles failed? Although Thucydides’ debacle can be explained through various reasons, the most significant is perhaps that his opposition wasn’t secret and clandestine as that of 411 and 404 conspirators: since the demos was strongly attached to democracy, the nature of Thucydides’ opposition was destined to lead to failure

    Clidemo di Atene

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    Kleidemos of Athens wrote, perhaps after 378/7, a Protogonia (or Atthis), extending from mythical age up to 415 at least (§ 1-2). Several of the 27 sure fragments have been preserved by late lexicographers or erudites, but approximately half of them are quoted by four 2nd century authors (Harpocration, Athenaeus, Pausanias, Plutarch): it is disputed whether any of those four scholars directly read Kleidemos’ original text; in my opinion, at least Plutarchs probably did (§ 3). In any case, the main debate about Kleidemos concerns political tendency: Jacoby and many other scholars perceive a democratic bias in the preserved fragments, whereas Harding and others oppose this interpretation. In effect a careful reading of the historical fragments (mainly F 17-18 about Theseus; F 15 about Peisistratus; F 7-8 about Kleisthenes; F 21 about Themistokles; F 22 about the battle of Plataea; F 10 about an omen against the departure of the Sicilian expedition) suggests a democratic bias affecting strictly historical passages, as well as a democratic interpretation of events pertaining to mythical ages. Unfortunately it is impossible to determine whether this democratic attitude was a peculiar, extensive character of Kleidemos’ Atthis, or only episodic in its manifestation; nor it is easy to understand what kind of democracy Kleidemos intended to praise with his work, although he apparently appreciates a moderate conduct in foreign policy, perhaps in a Thrasybulian manner (§ 4-5)

    Osservazioni sulla trasmissione di Clidemo: Filodemo, Arpocrazione e Ateneo

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    Si indaga su tre trasmissori di Clidemo: Filodemo, Arpocrazione e Ateneo

    La fortuna di Milziade fra IV secolo a.C. e I d.C. Frammenti di una tradizione

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    Il presente lavoro studia il ritratto di Milziade nelle fonti tra il IV sec. a.C. e il I sec. d.C., cioè dopo Erodoto e prima di Plutarco e della Seconda sofisitica. Dopo una breve introduzione contenuta nel primo paragrafo, il secondo si sofferma sulle fonti di IV secolo: gli oratori generalmente forniscono una presentazione elogiativa di Milziade, riabilitandone l’immagine dopo la sua morte in disgrazia (par. 2.1); successivamente, viene analizzata la sua presentazione in autori come Platone, Aristotele (par. 2.2) e Teopompo ed Eforo (par. 2.3). Il terzo paragrafo affronta le fonti relative al periodo tra il I sec. a.C. e il I d.C.: l’unica fonte greca è Diodoro (par. 3.1), mentre abbiamo un buon numero di fonti latine, tra cui Nepote, Cicerone, Seneca il Vecchio e Valerio Massimo (par. 3.2). Nel quarto paragrafo sono analizzate alcune notizie isolate su Milziade, relative alla battaglia di Maratona (par. 4.1) o ad eventi ad essa successivi (par. 4.2) o ancora ad altri fatti (par. 4.3), allo scopo non tanto di accertarne l’attendibilità storica, di solito piuttosto bassa, bensì di trarne deduzioni sull’immagine di Milziade che l’autore voleva veicolare attraverso di esse. Il quinto e ultimo paragrafo propone alcune considerazioni conclusive e osserva da un lato che è innegabile una significativa riabilitazione di Milziade, dovuta sia alla propaganda cimoniana, sia soprattutto alla nuova situazione internazionale che Atene si trovava a vivere nel IV secolo, ma, dall’altro, che la sua immagine rimane almeno in parte controversa: sono attestate posizioni critiche, come quella di Platone, e anche giudizi chiaroscurali, come quello di Nepote, autore dell’unica biografia nota di Milziade.This paper focuses on the portrait of Miltiades in the sources between 4th cent. B.C. and 1st A.D., thus after Herodotus and before Plutarch and the Second sophistic. After the first paragraph, devoted to an introduction to the issue, the second one considers sources of the 4th century: the orators usually praise Miltiades and therefore they rehabilitate his reputation after he died in disgrace (par. 2.1); then his figure is analysed in authors like Plato, Aristotle (par. 2.2) and Theopompus and Ephorus (par. 2.3). The third paragraph focuses on the sources between 1st cent. B.C. and 1st A.D.: the only Greek-writing author is Diodorus (par. 3.1), but we have a number of Latin sources, like Nepos, Cicero, Seneca the Elder, Valerius Maximus and others (par. 3.2). In the fourth paragraph it is provided a list of rare pieces of information preserved by the sources, concerning the battle of Marathon (par. 4.1), the events after the battle (par. 4.2) and other episodes (par. 4.3): the aim of this section is not to ascertain the reliability of these pieces of news, that is usually very low, but to use them in order to understand which portrait of Miltiades these sources intended to provide. The fifth paragraph offers final remarks and suggests that, notwithstanding Miltiades’ rehabilitation, due both to Cimon’s propaganda and to the new conditions of 4th century Athens, his imagine remains at least partly controversial: criticisms are attested (e.g. by Plato), but also ambivalent judgments, such as that of Nepos, who wrote the only biography of Miltiades

    Vanadium(v) oxoanions in basic water solution: A simple oxidative system for the one pot selective conversion of l-proline to pyrroline-2-carboxylate

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    The unprecedented, direct chemical oxidation of l-proline to pyrroline-2-carboxylate was achieved in water (pH 9-10) by means of NH4VO3/NH3or V2O5/MOH (K = Na, K), and the anion was fully characterized as ammonium or alkaline metal salts. Quantitative yield and higher atom economy performance were achieved with the latter system, the alkaline salts being more stable than the ammonium one. Different mixed valence V(iv)/V(v) compounds precipitated from the reaction mixtures depending on the nature of the employed base. A possible reaction mechanism is proposed according to DFT calculations. The analogous reaction of trans-4-hydroxy-l-proline with NH4VO3/NH3afforded pyrrole-2-carboxylic acid in 81% yield, while sarcosine underwent prevalent decomposition under similar experimental conditions. Instead, no reaction was observed with primary (glycine, l-alanine, l-phenylalanine) and tertiary α-amino acids (N,N-dimethyl-l-phenylalanine, N,N-dimethylglycine)

    Microwave-Hydrogen Peroxide Assisted Anaerobic Treatment as an Effective Method for Short-Chain Fatty Acids Production from Tannery Sludge

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    Tannery sludge is disposed of in landfills as it is considered a special residue by the Italian legislation, creating pollution and waste. This paper aims at evaluating the performance of the anaerobic fermentation process to obtain short-chain fatty acids (SCFAs) from this waste. The assessment of the most appropriate conditions, in terms of pH, temperature, initial total solids (TSs) content, and application of oxidizing-thermal pretreatment has been developed. The batch test trials revealed that the combined microwave and hydrogen peroxide (MW-H2O2) pretreatment followed by thermophilic conditions gave the best results, in terms of the acidification yield (0.31 gCODSCFA/gVS0) and maximal SCFA concentration (above 26 g CODSCFA/L). In the tests conducted without pretreatment, the mesophilic temperature should be preferred since the acidification performances were comparable to or even better than their thermophilic counterparts. The SCFA composition analysis showed that in mesophilic fermentation, tannery sludge can generate up to 50% acetic acid (CODAc/CODSCFA), if previously pretreated (MW-H2O2). This research acts as a forerunner for the appropriate handling of this resource, to employ it for the development of a new tannery industry focused on a circular approach, rather than to simply dispose of it in landfills
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