10 research outputs found
Estruturas artísticas nos diálogos literários de Ramon Llull
No full textIn Ramon Llull’s work there are some 26 literary dialogue in Latin and Catalan, which follow authors like Boethius, Augustine of Hippo and St. Gregory; many of them are interreligious dialogues. Along with the romance and lyrical, they shaped the literary expression of their author. Although those dialogues are not totally isolated from this genre tradition, they have their own characteristics, which derive from the Lullian Art system, for instance Llibre del gentil, Liber Tartari, Consolatio Venetorum or the dialogic poem Lo desconhort. These texts gather existing traditions such as the consolatory dialogue or the versified intention, but Llull modifies them with combinatorial elements and triple structures that come from his Ars magna. Of particular interest is the aesthetic that would be called essentialist and the introduction of the character Ramon or Raimundus between the interlocutors.Keywords: Raimundus Lullus; literary dialogue; Ars magna; Llibre del gentil, Liber Tartari.</jats:p
Sion/Sitten, Médiathèque Valais, S 102 : Composite manuscript with legal treatises (Johannes de Blanosco, Aegidius de Fuscarariis, Tancredus Bononiensis, ...)
No full textThis manuscript from the library of Walter Supersaxo (ca. 1402-1482), Bishop of Sion, and of his son Georg (ca. 1450-1529), with initials in red and blue (some with pen-flourish initials, e.g. on ff. 1r and 113v; two drawings on ff. 77r and 91r), contains eight legal treatises in Latin, half of them anonymous: 1. Johannes de Blanasco, (Libellus super titulo) de actionibus (ff. 1r-45r); 2. Aegidius de Fuscarariis, Ordo judiciarius (ff. 46r-67v); 3. Ordo judiciarius “De edendo“ (ff. 68r-69v; incomplete); 4. Ordo judiciarius “Scientiam“ (ff. 69v-75v); 5. Tancred of Bologna, Ordo judiciarius (ff. 77r-113v); 6. Contentio actoris et rei (ff. 113v-117r); 7. Parvus ordo judiciarius (ff. 117r-121v); 8. [Tancred of Bologna / Raymond of Penyafort], Summa de matrimonio (ff. 121v-125v; incomplete). Johannes de Blanosco († ca. 1281 or later) from Burgundy studied and probably also taught law in Bologna before returning home and placing himself in the service of Duke Hugo IV of Burgundy. In 1256, perhaps when he was still in Bologna, he wrote his commentary on the Institutes “De actionibus“. The author of the second treatise in this manuscript, Aegidius de Fuscarariis (†1289), was the first lay teacher for canon law at the University of Bologna. His Ordo judiciarius from 1263-1266 is his most important work. Tancred of Bologna (ca. 1185-ca. 1236), the author of texts 5 and 8, was a renowned canonist and archdeacon, who associated with Popes Innocent III, Honorius III and Gregory IX; among his works, the Summa de sponsalibus et matrimonio, written around 1210-1214 and revised by Raymond of Penyafort in 1235, enjoyed some success. But he became famous through his Ordo judiciarius (ca. 1214-1216), which established itself throughout Europe as the reference work for legal procedure. Regarding the four anonymous (or not-securely attributed) treatises of manuscript S 102: number 3, better known by the title Ulpianus de edendo, was probably created in England in 1140-1170; number 4 prior to 1234 in France (its author is a certain Gualterus, perhaps identical to Gauthier Cornu, Archbishop of Sens); number 6, from the time of the papacy of Gregory IX, may be of Anglo-Norman origin; and finally number 7, which was written in the North of France in two versions in 1221 and 1238. The Supersaxo library contains numerous legal works. S 102 can best be compared with manuscript S 104 (Goffredus Tranensis, Summa super titulis Decretalium), which likewise is a 14th century work from Bologna.Online Since: 2018-03-2
La recepción y adopción de modelos pictóricos en las Biblias catalanas del siglo XIII
No full text[spa] El objetivo de este estudio es ofrecer una aproximación conjunta a los códices bíblicos de la decimotercera centuria vinculados con la Cataluña medieval. A partir del análisis de once manuscritos se proponen tres etapas diferenciadas en cuanto a la recepción, adopción y producción de Biblias. Cinco códices iluminados de ascendencia septentrional francesa (1220-1270) constituyen un testimonio de la recepción y adopción de manuscritos miniados foráneos, con variantes codicológicas, paleográficas, textuales y pictóricas. A mediados del siglo XIII se produjo en Vic (Barcelona) el asentamiento de un artífice llegado del Midi francés, Magister Raimundus, autor de dos extraordinarias Biblias. Este maestro desarrolló una producción de lujo con los referentes visuales que numeros miniaturistas siguieron en la segunda mitad del siglo XIII. Se anota como ocho códices bíblicos miniados en Cataluña entre 1270 y 1300 evidencian la influencia del modelo aportado por Magister Raimundis a la vez que se hallan próximos a otras Biblias del Midi realizadas en las mismas fechas. Así, se confirman los estrechos vínculos e intercambios pictóricos entre Cataluña y el sur de Francia en la segunda mitad del siglo XIII.[eng] The purpose of this study is to offer a joint approximation to those biblical codices of the 13th century connected to medieval Catalonia. Through the analysis of eleven manuscripts, it proposes three different stages based on reception, adoption and production of Bibles. Five illuminated codices of Northern French descent (1220-1270) bear testimony of the reception and adoption of foreign illuminated manuscripts, with codicological, paleographic, textual and pictorial variants. In mid 13th century, Magister
Raimundus, an artist from the French Midi and author of two extraordinary Bibles, settled in Vic (Barcelona). This master developed a luxurious production with the visual references which were thereby used by other miniaturists in the second half of the century. Henceforth, it is noted that eight biblical codices illuminated in Catalonia between 1270 and 1300 represent clear evidence of the influence from the model presented by Magister Raimundis while simultaneously being similar to other Bibles by the Midi produced around the same dates. Thus, the close links and pictorial exchanges between Catalonia and the south of France in the second half of the 13th century are confirmed
La idea de Cruzada en el liber de Passagio de Ramón Llull
No full textFil: Domínguez Reboiras, Fernando. Universidad de Friburgo. Raimundus-Lullus-Institut; Alemania.This paper wants to elucidate Ramon Lull's idea of Crusade. In the first place the article analyzes some historical facts that can be held as the medieval origins of the Crusade. It links the Crusade with the rooted practices of peregrinatio and passagium and also shows the presence of these in Lull's description of specific military tactics to fight against the pagans, an idea that is for the first time fully developed by Lull and that must also be understood in the context of the recent fall of Acre. To this kindled defense of the use of strength the author attributes the originality of the Liber de Passagio, at the same time that he sees in it the beginning of a new period in Lull's thought. The article also frames the Liber de Passagio in the context of the current papal policy, which implied the use of Crusade for the purposes of that policy, and links it with other previous and contemporary treatises on the Crusade
La idea de Cruzada en el liber de Passagio de Ramón Llull
No full textFil: Domínguez Reboiras, Fernando. Universidad de Friburgo. Raimundus-Lullus-Institut; Alemania.This paper wants to elucidate Ramon Lull's idea of Crusade. In the first place the article analyzes some historical facts that can be held as the medieval origins of the Crusade. It links the Crusade with the rooted practices of peregrinatio and passagium and also shows the presence of these in Lull's description of specific military tactics to fight against the pagans, an idea that is for the first time fully developed by Lull and that must also be understood in the context of the recent fall of Acre. To this kindled defense of the use of strength the author attributes the originality of the Liber de Passagio, at the same time that he sees in it the beginning of a new period in Lull's thought. The article also frames the Liber de Passagio in the context of the current papal policy, which implied the use of Crusade for the purposes of that policy, and links it with other previous and contemporary treatises on the Crusade
Aristotelismo, lulismo y ramismo en Barcelona durante el siglo XVI: Joan-Lluís Vileta y sus discípulos
No full textEn este trabajo se intenta reconstruir la intersección de ramismo, lulismo y el aristotelismo en Barcelona durante la segunda mitad del siglo XVI. Intenta ofrecer una visión crítica de algunos materiales inéditos, centrándose especialmente en la figura de Joan-Lluís Vileta, el más famoso filósofo y teólogo de su tiempo en Barcelona. Este autor también tuvo una influencia notable del ramismo y, como intento demostrar, puede ser considerado un precursor del debate epistemológico que se produjo en las universidades calvinistas en los finales del siglo XVI y principios del XVII , que unió a Aristóteles y Ramus y Llull, como autores de métodos alternativos. En este artículo se defiende la presencia inexplorada de Ramus en el trasfondo filosófico de la Universidad de Barcelona y el uso de Llull como contrapunto de Aristóteles, que se explicó en la Universidad y en una escuela privada de lulismo. Finalmente, Ramus y Llull fueron abandonados debido a la Inquisición, pero sus ideas se mantuvieron hasta las primeras décadas del siglo XVII.This paper tries to reconstruct the intersection of Ramism, Lullism and Aristotelianism in Barcelona during the second half of the sixteenth century. This paper attempts to provide critical insight from unedited materials, focusing especially on the figure of Joan-Lluís Vileta, the most famous philosopher and theologian of his time in Barcelona. This author also had a notable influence of Ramism and as attempts to show, can be consi dered a precursor of an epistemological debate that occurred in the Calvinist universities in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. This article defends the unexplored presence of Ramus in the philosophical background of the University of Barcelona and the use of Raimundus Lullus as a counterpoint of Aristotle, explained into the University and in a private school of Lullism. Finally, Ramus and Lullus were abandoned because of the Inquisition, but their ideas remained until the first decades of seventeenth century.peerReviewe
S. Raymundus de Pennaforti , Summa de casibus et Summa de matrimonio, cum glossa Guillelmi Redonensis.
No full textGUILLELMUS REDONENSIS, O.P. Glossae in Summa de casibus s. Raymundi de PennafortiGUILLELMUS REDONENSIS, O.P. Glossae in Summa de matrimonio s. Raymundi de PennafortiRAIMUNDUS DE PENNAFORTI (s.), O.P., archiep. Taraconensis. Summa de casibus cum glossa Guillelmi RedonensisRAIMUNDUS DE PENNAFORTI (s.), O.P., archiep. Taraconensis. Summa de matrimonio cum glossa Guillelmi RedonensisNumérisation effectuée à partir d'un document de substitution.F. 1-19v Table alphabétique de la Summa de casibus et de la Summa de matrimonio : « Abbas tres ordines potest conferre. 3. 22. 3.e... — ... Uxor potest dimittere virum propter fornicationem et adulterium. 4.12.2.a. ». F. 1-204 S. RAYMUNDUS (de Pennaforti] : « Incipit Summa fratris Raimundi de penitentia ». Prologue : « Quoniam, ut ait Jeronimus, secunda post naufragium tabula... — ... caritate fraterna corrigas et emendes » (1-1v) ; « Incipiunt capitula prime partis » (1v) ; [L. I] « De symonia. Quoniam inter crimina ecclesiastica obtinet symoniaca heresis... — ... Item per questiones et § Queritur hic consequenter » (1v-56v). Additions : au tit. V : ... [in Deum multipliciter peccant]. Non sunt heretici qui corde adorant et ore... — ... XXIIII. q. III. Dixit Apostolus [Videamus ergo quot]... » (14) ; à la fin du tit. VII : « Nota quod scolares habentes beneficia sive in scolis... — ... a(d)modo [vi]giles » (21v) ; au tit. VIII § 2 : « ... [suscitat in alio non sic] Item § Habens filios parvos non debet... — ... Require infra de sententia § Item quid » (22v) ; au tit. XII § 2 : « ... [festum nec conceptione ejusdem] quia id non debet celebrari eo quod... — ... sed mistico spiramine etc. » (42) ; cf. mss. Latin 3251, f. 12v ; 3252, f. 41v ; 3519, f. 42 ; 3521, f. 15 ; 3522, f. 22v ; au tit. VIII le § 17 est transcrit avant le § 11 (27-28v) ; — [L. II] « Incipiunt capitula secunde partis », table en 17 chap. (57) ; « De homicidio. In prima parte dictum est de quibusdam criminibus... — ... tutori, curatori, domino, monasterio, patri et marito, et ecclesie. Explicit secunda pars » (57-102) ; — Table du L. III (102) ; « Incipit tertia pars de qualitate ordinandorum. Expeditis per Dei gratiam duabus partibus, restat ut... — ... Venite benedicti Patris mei, percipite regnum. Amen. Explicit Summa fratris Ramundi de penitentia » (102-204). F. 204-234v « Incipit Summa ejus [Raimundi de Pennaforti] de matrimonio ». Prologue : « Quoniam frequenter in foro penitentiali... — ... dubitationes diversas ad rubricas singulas pertinentes » (204-204v) ; table (204v) ; « Expliciunt capitula. Incipit de sponsalibus. Quoniam matrimonium sponsalia precedere consueverunt... — ... sed benignus corrigat et emendet » (204v-234v) (Ed. Rome, 1603). Glose en encadrement [GUILLELMUS REDONENSIS] Prologue : « De pe. di. I, c. II. Tabula hic dicitur baptismus... — ... quia regularis erat magister ». (1) ; — [L. I] « Crimina ecclesiastica sunt quorum examinatio... — ... de egritudine illa decedant » (1-56v) ; — [L. II] « Hoc licet sine dubio layco qui post patriam... — ... quod si restituetur ex hac causa » (57v-102) ; — [L. III] « I. Thi. III. Idem est quod dictum est supra : Sobrium... — ... relinquens exemplum etc. Matth. XXV. » (102v-204) ; — [Summa de matrimonio] « Huic summule de matrimonio premittit Magister prohemium... — ... opere est processurus ; dicit ergo : Quoniam frequenter etc. » (204). « Hic agitur de sponsalibus et ostenditur primo... Ut si dicam, ducam te in uxorem... — si voluntate mulieris facte sunt » (204v-234v) ; la glose ne suit pas toujours l'ordre de l'édition (éd. Rome, 1603, à l'exception du prologue et du déb. du tit. I du De matrimonio, sous le nom de Jean de Fribourg ; l'édit. partielle d'Avignon, 1718, restitue la glose à Guillaume de Rennes) ; cf. A. Fliniaux, dans Mélanges Paul Fournier , Paris 1929, 242-243, notes. Au f. de garde I, note du XVI e s., écriture allemande : « D. Joh. Ludovicus Vivaldus, in Aureo Opere de veritate contritionis... Magister Raymundus de Pennaforti, natione Cathalanus,... — ... miraculis claruit » ; (J. L. Vivaldus Aureum Opus de veritate contritionis ... éd. Paris, 1522, f. CXIX) ; « Et addit Trittemius, (Joh. Tritheim, De Scriptoribus ecclesiasticis Collectanea , Bâle 1494), quem recitat Gessnerus (Conrad Gesner, Bibliotheca universalis , Zurich, 1545) in Bibliotheca, quod fuit ordinis Predicatorum tertius magister generalis, et juris canonici notitia insignis, qui Bononiae profecit et docuit, qui postea Gregorii pape IX capellanus et penitentiarius factus, ejus jussu decretales compilavit, ut habetur in prohemio Decretalium § fi. »
Una breve disertación sobre los valdenses de Josep Mercader (1764)
No full textIn 1764 the Dominican and academic Josep Mercader wrote a short dissertation on Waldenses. The author describes the appearance of this heresy in Catalonia, he presents also different hypotheses about the origin of Waldensian term and he finishs his dissertation with the merger of this heresy with Protestants in the XVIth century. Josep Mercader provides relevant information about the Waldensian history using documentary sources from his time.En 1764 el dominico y académico Josep Mercader escribió una breve disertación sobre los valdenses. El autor describe la aparición de esta herejía en Cataluña, presenta distintas hipótesis sobre el origen del término valdense y finaliza el recorrido con la fusión de esta herejía con los protestantes en el siglo XVI. Josep Mercader proporciona información relevante sobre la historia de la valdesía a través del uso de fuentes documentales de la época
What Would St. Thomas Aquinas Have to Say about Artificial Intelligence?
No full textThe article examines what views Saint Thomas Aquinas might have had on the topic of artificial intelligence. While the question may seem paradoxical, the author discusses the connections between theology, science, and tech-nology. The article emphasizes that the idea of artificial intelligence has roots in ancient times and addresses ethical issues related to its use. Ultimately, it suggests that the philosophy of Saint Thomas could offer valuable insights to contemporary discussions on this subject.KAZIMIERZ TRZĘSICKI – prof. dr hab., w latach 1965-1968 studiował matematykę na Uniwersytecie im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu. W 1973 roku uzyskał tytuł magistra na Katolickim Uniwersytecie Lubelskim. Na podstawie pracy Próba sformułowania pewnej formalnej teorii tekstu na Wydziale Neofilologii Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego uzyskał stopień doktora nauk humanistycznych (1978). Na tym samym uniwersytecie na Wydziale Filozofii i Socjologii na podstawie rozprawy Logika operatorów czasów gramatycznych a problem determinizmu (1991) uzyskał stopień naukowy doktora habilitowanego nauk humanistycznych w zakresie filozofii i socjologii. 7 października 2010 roku uzyskał tytuł profesora. Od 1974 roku pracował na Uniwersytecie Warszawskim Filia w Białymstoku. W 1990 roku podjął pracę w Politechnice Białostockiej (od 1996 roku na Wydziale Informatyki). W roku 2004 podjął pracę na Uniwersytecie w Białymstoku w Katedrze Logiki, Informatyki i Filozofii Nauki. W latach 2007-2009 był dyrektorem Instytutu Informatyki na Wydziale Matematyki i Informatyki Uniwersytetu w Białymstoku. Profesor zwyczajny Uniwersytetu w Białymstoku. Od 2010 roku do przejścia na emeryturę pracował na Wydziale Historyczno-Socjologicznym, w Instytucie Socjologii. Zainteresowania naukowe koncentrują się wokół semiotyki (teoria tekstu i znaczenia), logiki nieformalnej (błędy logiczne, zasady komunikacji społecznej) i formalnej (logika matematyczna w ujęciu historyczno-filozoficznym) a także metodologii nauk, w tym społecznych.Uniwersytet w BiałymstokuBacon R., Opus majus (Vol. 1; J. H. Bridges, Ed.), Oxford 1897, https://archive.org/details/opusmajusofroger01baco, [dostęp: 20.11.2022].Block C., The Golem: Legends of the ghetto of Prague, New York 1925.Bocheński J. M., Sto zabobonów. Krótki filozoficzny słownik zabobonów, Kraków 1994.Bonner A., The art and logic of Ramon Llull: A user’s guide (Vol. XCV), Lei den, Boston 2007. http://uberty.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/12/Anthony_Bonner_The_art_and_logic_of_Ramon_Llull.pdf, [dostęp: 20.11.2022].Campbell M. B., Artificial men: Alchemy, transubstan- tiation, and the homunculus, „Republics of Letters: A Journal for the Study of Knowledge, Politics, and the Arts” 2010, 1 (2), s. 4-15, https://arcade.stanford.edu/sites/default/files/artic-le_pdfs/roflv01i02_02campbell_comp3_083010_JM_0.pdf, [dostęp: 20.11.2022].Collins D. J., Albertus, magnus or magus? Magic, natural philosophy, and religious reform in the late Middle Ages, „Renaissance Quarterly” 2010, 63 (1), 1-44.Copleston F. C., The history of philosophy (Vol. 4. From Descartes to Leibniz), New York, London, Toronto, Sydney, Auckland 1994, https://b-ok.org/bo-ok/950331/116a33, [dostęp: 20.11.2022].Delrio M. A., Disquisitionum magicarum libri sex, Moguntiae 1612, https://books.google.pl/books?id=Gr1lAAAAcAAJ, [dostęp: 20.11.2022].Descartes R., Oeuvres de Descartes (Vols. 1-12 + supplement: 1913). Paris 1897-1910, https:// archive.org/details/uvresdedescartes01desc/mode/2up, [dostęp: 20.11.2022].Duch W., Why minds cannot be received, but are created by brains, „Scientia et Fides” 2017, 5 (2), s. 171-198, https://www.researchgate.net/publication/319011133_Why_minds_cannot_be_received_but_are_created_by_brains, [dostęp: 20.11.2022].Evert W., Frankenstein: Four talks delivered on WQED-FM, Pittsburgh 1974.Gorman M. J., Between the demonic and the miraculous: Athanasius Kircher and the baroque culture of machines, [w:] D. Stolzenberg (red.), Encyclopedia of Atha-nasius Kircher, Stanford 2001, s. 59-70, docshare.tips/athanasius-kircher-and-the-baroque-culture-of-machines_57771ea9b6d87ff9378b49c1.html, [dostęp: 20.11.2022].Jenkins J., Can the church keep up with artificial intelligence?, „America. The Jesuit Review, 2018, https://www.americamagazine.org/faith/2018/05/23/can-church--keep-artificial-intelligence, [dostęp: 20.11.2022].Kasik S., The esoteric codex: Christian kabbalah. Morrisville 2015.Knuth D. E., The art of computer programming (Vol. IV Generating all trees. Hi-story of Combinatorial Generation), Boston 2006, https://openlibrary.org/works/OL14941576W/ Art_of_Computer_Programming_Volume_4_Fascicle_4_The, [dostęp: 20.11.2022].Kurzweil R., The singularity is near: When humans transcend biology, New York 2005, https://tantor-site-assets.s3.amazonaws.com/...Singularity/B0183_Singu-larity_PDF_1.pdf, [dostęp: 20.11.2022].Kurzweil R., How to create a mind: The secret of human thought revealed, New York 2012.Kurzweil R., Nadchodzi osobliwość: Kiedy człowiek przekroczy granice biologii, przeł. E. Chodakowska, A. Nowosielska Warszawa 2013.Kurzweil R., Jak stworzyć umysł, przeł. K. Zielińska, Białystok 2018.Leinkauf T., Mundus combinatus und ars combinatoria als geistesgeschichtlicher Hintergrund des Muesum Kircherianum in Rom, [w:] A. Grote (red.), Macrocosmos in Microcosmo. Die Welt in der Stube. Zur Geschichte des Sammelns 1450 bis 1800,Oplanden 1994, s. 535-553.Link D., Scrambling T-R-U-T-H. Rotating letters as a material form of thought, [w:] S. Zielinski, E. Fuerlus (red.), Variantology (Vols. 4), On Deep Time Relations of Arts, Sciences and Technologies in the Arabic-Islamic World and Beyond, Cologne 2010, s. 215-266, http://www.alpha60.de/research/scrambling_truth/, [dostęp: 20.11.2022].Lohr C., Christianus arabicus, cuius nomen Raimundus Lullus, „Freiburger Zeitschrift für Philosophie und Theologie” 1984, 31 (1-2), s. 57-88.Martin M., Augustine K. (red), The myth of an afterlife: The case against life after death, Lanham 2015.McCorduck P., Machines who think: A personal inquiry into the history and prospects of artificial intelligence, Natick 2004, https://monoskop.org/images/1/1e/McCor-duck_Pamela_Machines_Who_Think_2nd_ed.pdf, [dostęp: 20.11.2022].Mindel N., The Maharal to the rescue: And other stories of rabbi Yehuda Loew of Prague, New York 2007.Priani E., Ramon llull, [w:] E. N. Zalta (red.), The Stanford encyclopedia of philosophy, Stanford 2017, https://plato.stanford.edu/archives/spr2017/ entries/llull/, [dostęp: 20.11.2022].Reilly C., Father A. Kircher, S. J.: Master of an hundred arts, „Studies: An Irish Quarterly Review” 1955, 44 (176), s. 457-468. www.jstor.org/ stable/30098695, [dostęp: 20.11.2022].Reilly C., Athanasius Kircher S. J.: Master of a hundred arts, 1602-1680, (t. 1), Wiesbaden 1974.Schenko U. M., Die interplanetaren Kontakte des Albertus Magnus, Höhr-Gren-zhausen bei Koblenz 1985.Scholem G., Kabała i jej symbolika. Kraków 1996.Scholem G., Wyobrażenie golema w kontekście tellurycznym i magicznym, [w:] G. Scholem, Kabała i jej symbolika, Kraków 1996, s. 173-218.Shelley M., Frenkenstein; or, the modern Prometheus (Vols. 1-3), London 1818, http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/41445, [dostęp: 20.11.2022].Sighart J., Albertus Magnus: sein Leben und seine Wissenschaft nach den Quellen dargestellt, Manz 1857, https://books.google.pl/books/ about/Albertus_Magnus.html?id=HwF6zeQeed4C&redir_esc=y, [dostęp: 20.11.2022].Sighart J., Albert the Great: his life and scholastic labours: from original documents, London 1876, https://archive.org/ details/albertthegreathi00sighuoft, [dostęp: 20.11.2022].Swift J., Gulliver’s travels into several remote nations of the world, London 1892, http:// www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/829, [dostęp: 20.11.2022].Swift J., Podróże Guliwera, Fundacja Nowoczesna Polska: 2020, https://wolnelek-tury.pl/szukaj/?q=guliwera, [dostęp: 20.11.2022].Tomasz z Akwinu, Sancti Thomae Aquinatis quaestiones disputatae, Taurini 1953, http://www.corpusthomisticum.org/qda01.html#64861, [dostęp: 20.11.2022].Trzęsicki K., Can AI be intelligent?, „Studies in Logic, Grammar and Rhetoric” 2016, 61 (48), s. 103-131.Trzęsicki K., Idea of artificial intelligence, „Studia Humana” 2020, 9 (3/4), s. 37-65.Trzęsicki K., Idea sztucznej inteligencji, „Filozofia i Nauka. Studia filozoficzne i in-terdyscyplinarne” 2020, 8, s. 69-96.Urvoy D., Penser l’Islam. Les présupposés Islamiques de l’“art” de Lull, Paris 1980, https://www.pas.va/en/publications/scripta-varia/ sv144_springer.html, [dostęp: 20.11.2022].Waddell M. A., Magic and artificie in the collection of Athanasius Kircher, „Ende-avour” 2010, 34 (1), s. 30-34.Warton T., The history of English poetry, from the eleventh to the seventeenth century, New York 1870, https://archive.org/details/ historyenglishp08wartgoog. (Reprin-ted by Ward, Lock, & Co. in 1875)Wertheim M., The illusionistic magic of geometric figuring: Virtual reality, medieval--style, „Cabinet Magazine” 2007 (26), https:// cabinetmagazine.org/issues/26/wertheim.php, [dostęp: 20.11.2022].Worthies (red.), The worthies of the United Kingdom; or biographical accounts of the lives of the most illustrious men, in arts, arms, literature and science, connected with Great Britain. with numerous portraits, etc., London 1828, https://books.google.pl/books?id= QjhkAAAAcAA, [dostęp: 20.11.2022].810011
‘Dyvers kyndes of religion in sondry partes of the Ilande’: the geography of pastoral care in thirteenth-century England
No full textThe Church was not the only progenitor and disseminator of ideas in medieval England, but it was the most pervasive. Relations between the ecclesiastical and lay realms are well documented at high social levels but become progressively obscure as one descends to the influence of the Church at large on society at large (and vice versa). The twelfth century was a time of great energy and renewal in the leadership and scholarship of the Church; comparable religious energy and renewal can be seen in late-medieval lay culture. The momentum was passed on in the thirteenth century, and pastoral care was the means of its transfer.
The historical sources in this field tend to be either prescriptive, such as treatises on how to hear confessions, or descriptive, such as bishops’ registers. Prescription and description have generally been addressed separately. Likewise, the parish clergy and the friars are seldom studied together. These families of primary sources and secondary literature are brought together here to produce a more fully-rounded picture of pastoral care and church life.
The Church was an inherently local institution, shaped by geography, personalities, social structures, and countless ad hoc solutions to local problems. Few studies of medieval English ecclesiastical history have fully accepted the considerable implications of this for pastoral care; close attention to local variation is a governing methodology of this thesis, which concludes with a series of local case studies of pastoral care in several dioceses, demonstrating not only the divergences between them but also the variations within them
