1,721,000 research outputs found
Institutional trust in sub-Saharan Africa : a study of how government performance - actual and perceived - affects institutional trust
Full text linkEn styrking av folks legitimitet er spesielt viktig i Afrika sør for Sahara, delvis siden en undergravning av legitimitet utgjør en trussel mot regimestabilitet. Politisk tillit er et viktig mål for legitimitet, og som myndighetenes leveringsevne er en sentral kilde til. Dette studiet analyserer hvordan myndighetenes leveringsevne, både økonomisk og politisk, påvirker endringer i nivåer av institusjonell tillit. Problemstillingen er todelt: “a) Hvordan kan myndighetenes leveringsevne forklare nedgang i tilliten til institusjoner i Afrika, og b) hvilke implikasjoner har dette for demokratisk konsolidering”. Analysen baserer seg på data fra to påfølgende Afrobarometer runder: Runde 4 (2008/2009) og Runde 5 (2011/2013). Et rammeverk blir konstruert hvor de faktiske- og oppfattede prestasjonene til myndighetenes påvirkning på nivåer av institusjonell tillit blir studert. Et innledende spørsmål ble reist for å kartlegge trender i institusjonell tillit mellom disse rundene, og i motsetning til mine forventninger, viser ikke analysen en stor nedgang i institusjonell tillit. Funnene mine viser, spesielt på individ nivå, at negative oppfattelser av myndighetenes leveringsevne har en negativ innvirkning på institusjonell tillit. I tillegg finner jeg en sammenheng mellom myndighetenes politiske leveringsevne på landnivå og institusjonell tillit, hvor lave nivåer av demokrati og demokratisk tilbakegang har en negativ innvirkning på institusjonell tillit. Jeg finner imidlertid ingen sammenheng mellom et lands inntektsnivå og nivåer av institusjonell tillit. I sum indikerer resultatene på at svak leveringsevne fra myndighetenes side har negative implikasjoner for demokratisk konsolidering i Afrika, men at det fortsatt er ubesvarte spørsmål, som videre studier som inkluderer flere semi- og ikke-demokratiske land mest sannsynlig vil gi mer helhetlige svar på
Institutional trust in sub-Saharan Africa : a study of how government performance - actual and perceived - affects institutional trust
No full textEn styrking av folks legitimitet er spesielt viktig i Afrika sør for Sahara, delvis siden en undergravning av legitimitet utgjør en trussel mot regimestabilitet. Politisk tillit er et viktig mål for legitimitet, og som myndighetenes leveringsevne er en sentral kilde til. Dette studiet analyserer hvordan myndighetenes leveringsevne, både økonomisk og politisk, påvirker endringer i nivåer av institusjonell tillit. Problemstillingen er todelt: “a) Hvordan kan myndighetenes leveringsevne forklare nedgang i tilliten til institusjoner i Afrika, og b) hvilke implikasjoner har dette for demokratisk konsolidering”. Analysen baserer seg på data fra to påfølgende Afrobarometer runder: Runde 4 (2008/2009) og Runde 5 (2011/2013). Et rammeverk blir konstruert hvor de faktiske- og oppfattede prestasjonene til myndighetenes påvirkning på nivåer av institusjonell tillit blir studert. Et innledende spørsmål ble reist for å kartlegge trender i institusjonell tillit mellom disse rundene, og i motsetning til mine forventninger, viser ikke analysen en stor nedgang i institusjonell tillit. Funnene mine viser, spesielt på individ nivå, at negative oppfattelser av myndighetenes leveringsevne har en negativ innvirkning på institusjonell tillit. I tillegg finner jeg en sammenheng mellom myndighetenes politiske leveringsevne på landnivå og institusjonell tillit, hvor lave nivåer av demokrati og demokratisk tilbakegang har en negativ innvirkning på institusjonell tillit. Jeg finner imidlertid ingen sammenheng mellom et lands inntektsnivå og nivåer av institusjonell tillit. I sum indikerer resultatene på at svak leveringsevne fra myndighetenes side har negative implikasjoner for demokratisk konsolidering i Afrika, men at det fortsatt er ubesvarte spørsmål, som videre studier som inkluderer flere semi- og ikke-demokratiske land mest sannsynlig vil gi mer helhetlige svar på
Høyreekstremisme i Norge : en innholdsanalyse av Den norske motstandsbevegelsen
No full textThe terrorist attack in Norway, on July 22nd 2011, was the worst attack the country had experienced since world war two. The loss of 77 people, most of them children and Young adults, left the country in deep mourning. Early on, it was clear that the perpetrator had been active on websites that contained sentiments and attitudes supporting the extreme-right. In the end on July that same year, The Norwegian security police, PST, stated the terrorist attack could lead to at decline in the support for the extreme-right groups. Now, five years later, we know this did not happen. In Norway there are several different extreme-right groups like Vigrid, SIAN and Norwegian Defence Leauge, which we have limited in-depth information about. One relatively new extreme-right group in Norway is named Den nordiske motstandsbevegelsen (Nordfront), and this is the one group I have chosen to do an in-Depth look at in this thesis.
My research questions are: 1) Who is Nordfront, 2) what type of extreme-right organisation is it, and 3) are they a threat to the Norwegian society?
By looking at theory that explains what extreme-right groups are, what types of extreme-right groups we can find and information about the organization itself, I found that Nordfront can be classified as a neo-Nazi organization. This is also supported by the analysis done on their internet-articles from their web page in the period 01.01.15-01.01.16. This analysis showed that the organization presented Jews, immigrants, the media and the government, homosexuals and bisexuals as enemies, which fits with the description of a neo-Nazi group.
The analysis also indicated that the organization can be a threat to the Norwegian society in two ways: by the use of violence and in an ideological way. Although we don’t have an exact number on members in Norway and the leader of the organization has expressed that the group only tolerates violence as self-defence, there have been several altercations at demonstrations held in Sweden. PST has also expressed its concern about the groups’ willingness to use violence. I find however that it is the ideological threat that is the most troubling. The organization uses several different tactics to appeal to new members and supporters, and if they succeed in spreading its sentiments and attitudes to more people this could have serious consequences for the people of Norway and the Norwegian society, as we know it
Høyreekstremisme i Norge : en innholdsanalyse av den norske motstandsbevegelsen
No full textThe terrorist attack in Norway, on July 22nd 2011, was the worst attack the country had experienced since world war two. The loss of 77 people, most of them children and young adults, left the country in deep mourning. Early on, it was clear that the perpetrator had been active on websites that contained sentiments and attitudes supporting the extreme-right. In the end on July that same year, The Norwegian security police, PST, stated the terrorist attack could lead to at decline in the support for the extreme-right groups. Now, five years later, we know this did not happen. In Norway there are several different extreme-right groups like Vigrid, SIAN and Norwegian Defence Leauge, which we have limited in-depth information about. One relatively new extreme-right group in Norway is named Den nordiske motstandsbevegelsen (Nordfront), and this is the one group I have chosen to do an in-depth look at in this thesis. My research questions are: 1) Who is Nordfront, 2) what type of extreme-right organisation is it, and 3) are they a threat to the Norwegian society? By looking at theory that explains what extreme-right groups are, what types of extreme-right groups we can find and information about the organization itself, I found that Nordfront can be classified as a neo-Nazi organization. This is also supported by the analysis done on their internet-articles from their web page in the period 01.01.15-01.01.16. This analysis showed that the organization presented Jews, immigrants, the media and the government, homosexuals and bisexuals as enemies, which fits with the description of a neo-Nazi group. The analysis also indicated that the organization can be a threat to the Norwegian society in two ways: by the use of violence and in an ideological way. Although we don’t have an exact number on members in Norway and the leader of the organization has expressed that the group only tolerates violence as self-defence, there have been several altercations at demonstrations held in Sweden. PST has also expressed its concern about the groups’ willingness to use violence. I find however that it is the ideological threat that is the most troubling. The organization uses several different tactics to appeal to new members and supporters, and if they succeed in spreading its sentiments and attitudes to more people this could have serious consequences for the people of Norway and the Norwegian society, as we know it
Xenophobic actions in South Africa : a quantitative study of South Africans' likelihood of taking part in Xenophobic actions
No full textDespite the wish for a non-segregated nation after the transition to democracy in 1994,
xenophobic attitudes and actions continue to be prevalent in South Africa. African foreigners
being chased from their homes, having their businesses burned to the ground, and even being
shot, stabbed and burned to death are all evidence of xenophobia remaining a powerful force
in the country. This thesis studies what factors can explain why some South Africans are
likely to go as far as to take part in these actions. The main contribution of this thesis is that I
focus on xenophobic actions, in order to differentiate between the dimensions of xenophobia.
By using a quantitative regression analysis I find that individual factors like race, job scarcity
and ethnic discrimination all have an influence on the likelihood of taking part in xenophobic
actions in South Africa in 2011. The black/African part of the South African population is
more likely to take part in xenophobic actions than white. Those who view foreigners as a
competition for jobs, as well as those who have felt discriminated against by the state based
on their ethnicity, are also more likely to the partaking of the hostile actions directed towards
African foreigners
Xenophobic actions in South Africa : a quantitative study of South Africans' likelihood of taking part in Xenophobic actions
Full text linkDespite the wish for a non-segregated nation after the transition to democracy in 1994,
xenophobic attitudes and actions continue to be prevalent in South Africa. African foreigners
being chased from their homes, having their businesses burned to the ground, and even being
shot, stabbed and burned to death are all evidence of xenophobia remaining a powerful force
in the country. This thesis studies what factors can explain why some South Africans are
likely to go as far as to take part in these actions. The main contribution of this thesis is that I
focus on xenophobic actions, in order to differentiate between the dimensions of xenophobia.
By using a quantitative regression analysis I find that individual factors like race, job scarcity
and ethnic discrimination all have an influence on the likelihood of taking part in xenophobic
actions in South Africa in 2011. The black/African part of the South African population is
more likely to take part in xenophobic actions than white. Those who view foreigners as a
competition for jobs, as well as those who have felt discriminated against by the state based
on their ethnicity, are also more likely to the partaking of the hostile actions directed towards
African foreigners
Going Beyond Counting First Authors in Author Co-citation Analysis
Full text linkThe present study examines one of the fundamental aspects of author co-citation analysis (ACA) - the way co-citation
counts are defined. Co-citation counting provides the data on which all subsequent statistical analyses and mappings
are based, and we compare ACA results based on two different types of co-citation counting - the traditional type that
only counts the first one among a cited work's authors on the one hand and a non-traditional type that takes into
account the first 5 authors of a cited work on the other hand. Results indicate that the picture produced through this non-traditional author co-citation counting contains more coherent author groups and is therefore considerably clearer. However, this picture represents fewer specialties in the research field being studied than that produced through the traditional first-author co-citation counting when the same number of top-ranked authors is selected and analyzed. Reasons for these effects are discussed
Høyreekstremisme i Norge : en innholdsanalyse av den norske motstandsbevegelsen
No full textThe terrorist attack in Norway, on July 22nd 2011, was the worst attack the country had experienced since world war two. The loss of 77 people, most of them children and young adults, left the country in deep mourning. Early on, it was clear that the perpetrator had been active on websites that contained sentiments and attitudes supporting the extreme-right. In the end on July that same year, The Norwegian security police, PST, stated the terrorist attack could lead to at decline in the support for the extreme-right groups. Now, five years later, we know this did not happen. In Norway there are several different extreme-right groups like Vigrid, SIAN and Norwegian Defence Leauge, which we have limited in-depth information about. One relatively new extreme-right group in Norway is named Den nordiske motstandsbevegelsen (Nordfront), and this is the one group I have chosen to do an in-depth look at in this thesis. My research questions are: 1) Who is Nordfront, 2) what type of extreme-right organisation is it, and 3) are they a threat to the Norwegian society? By looking at theory that explains what extreme-right groups are, what types of extreme-right groups we can find and information about the organization itself, I found that Nordfront can be classified as a neo-Nazi organization. This is also supported by the analysis done on their internet-articles from their web page in the period 01.01.15-01.01.16. This analysis showed that the organization presented Jews, immigrants, the media and the government, homosexuals and bisexuals as enemies, which fits with the description of a neo-Nazi group. The analysis also indicated that the organization can be a threat to the Norwegian society in two ways: by the use of violence and in an ideological way. Although we don’t have an exact number on members in Norway and the leader of the organization has expressed that the group only tolerates violence as self-defence, there have been several altercations at demonstrations held in Sweden. PST has also expressed its concern about the groups’ willingness to use violence. I find however that it is the ideological threat that is the most troubling. The organization uses several different tactics to appeal to new members and supporters, and if they succeed in spreading its sentiments and attitudes to more people this could have serious consequences for the people of Norway and the Norwegian society, as we know it
Høyreekstremisme i Norge : en innholdsanalyse av den norske motstandsbevegelsen
No full textThe terrorist attack in Norway, on July 22nd 2011, was the worst attack the country had experienced since world war two. The loss of 77 people, most of them children and young adults, left the country in deep mourning. Early on, it was clear that the perpetrator had been active on websites that contained sentiments and attitudes supporting the extreme-right. In the end on July that same year, The Norwegian security police, PST, stated the terrorist attack could lead to at decline in the support for the extreme-right groups. Now, five years later, we know this did not happen. In Norway there are several different extreme-right groups like Vigrid, SIAN and Norwegian Defence Leauge, which we have limited in-depth information about. One relatively new extreme-right group in Norway is named Den nordiske motstandsbevegelsen (Nordfront), and this is the one group I have chosen to do an in-depth look at in this thesis. My research questions are: 1) Who is Nordfront, 2) what type of extreme-right organisation is it, and 3) are they a threat to the Norwegian society? By looking at theory that explains what extreme-right groups are, what types of extreme-right groups we can find and information about the organization itself, I found that Nordfront can be classified as a neo-Nazi organization. This is also supported by the analysis done on their internet-articles from their web page in the period 01.01.15-01.01.16. This analysis showed that the organization presented Jews, immigrants, the media and the government, homosexuals and bisexuals as enemies, which fits with the description of a neo-Nazi group. The analysis also indicated that the organization can be a threat to the Norwegian society in two ways: by the use of violence and in an ideological way. Although we don’t have an exact number on members in Norway and the leader of the organization has expressed that the group only tolerates violence as self-defence, there have been several altercations at demonstrations held in Sweden. PST has also expressed its concern about the groups’ willingness to use violence. I find however that it is the ideological threat that is the most troubling. The organization uses several different tactics to appeal to new members and supporters, and if they succeed in spreading its sentiments and attitudes to more people this could have serious consequences for the people of Norway and the Norwegian society, as we know it
- …
